Fifth Summit of the Americas, Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, April 2009: Background, Agenda, and Expectations

^Pr^ep^ar^{ed f}^o^r^M^e^m^b^ers^an^d^Com^mⁱ^t^t^ees^of^C^ong^r^e^ss

The fifth Summit of the Americas in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago scheduled to be held on
April 17-19, 2009 will be the first hemispheric forum for President-elect Barack Obama to
engage with leaders from across Latin America and the Caribbean. The Port of Spain Summit will
also be the first meeting of all 34 democratic heads of government from Latin America, the
Caribbean, Canada, and the United States since the contentious 2005 Summit in Mar del Plata,
Argentina. Taking place less than four months after his inauguration, the Summit could set the
tone for hemispheric relations during the early stages of the new Administration.
There have been four Summits of the Americas, two Special Summits of the Americas, and a
number of ministerial-level summits held since 1994. Past Summits have led to a number of
successful initiatives in the region, including the creation of the Inter-American Democratic
Charter, reductions in the cost of remittance transfers, and increased provision of anti-retroviral
therapy to victims of HIV/AIDS. Although some view the most recent Summit as a failure
because of its divisiveness, it too produced a number of important initiatives, including support
for Haiti’s democracy, improved infrastructure, and reductions in child labor.
Despite these accomplishments, many observers have criticized the Summits of the Americas.
Civil society representatives contend that the Summits lack transparency and believe their
organizations should play larger roles in the Summit process. Some observers have questioned the
Summits’ effectiveness, drawing attention to the fact that the majority of Summit goals have
never been met. Other analysts doubt the Summits’ ability to advance U.S. interests and argue
that the United States should pursue its own priorities outside of the Summit process.
The theme for the Port of Spain Summit is, “Securing our citizens’ future by promoting human
prosperity, energy security, and environmental sustainability.” Summit organizers have stressed
the need to refocus the hemisphere’s priorities, set achievable goals, and create the institutions
necessary to hold countries accountable for implementing the Summits’ mandates. As a result, the
Draft Declaration of Commitment of the Summit focuses on areas of consensus in the
hemisphere, such as promoting human prosperity, promoting energy security and environmental
sustainability, and strengthening public security and democratic governance. The Draft
Declaration also sets measurable goals and seeks to strengthen the follow-up mechanisms of the
Summit process. Congress may be particularly interested in a number of initiatives concerning
energy, the environment, and social justice which coincide with proposals of the Obama
Administration since it may be asked to commit U.S. resources to projects in the region. This
report will be updated as events warrant.

Background on Previous Summits of the Americas: From Miami to Mar del Plata.......................1
Achievements of the Summits of the Americas...............................................................................2
Political ...................................................................................................................... ............... 2
Economic .................................................................................................................................. 3
Social ......................................................................................................................... ................ 3
Criticism of the Summits of the Americas......................................................................................4
Tr ansparency ............................................................................................................................. 4
Effectivenes s .................................................................................................................. ........... 4
Ability to Further U.S. Interests................................................................................................5
2009 Port of Spain Summit.............................................................................................................5
Agenda ......................................................................................................................... ............. 6
Promoting Human Prosperity.............................................................................................6
Promoting Energy Security.................................................................................................6
Promoting Environmental Sustainability............................................................................6
Strengthening Public Security.............................................................................................7
Strengthening Democratic Governance..............................................................................7
Strengthening the Summit Process and Implementation....................................................7
Expectations .............................................................................................................................. 7
Congressional Interest...............................................................................................................8
Author Contact Information............................................................................................................9

By the early 1990s, after decades of civil war and military rule in parts of the hemisphere, 34 of
the 35 governments in the region were elected civilian democracies. Likewise, most of the
countries in the region discarded statist economic policies in favor of economic liberalization. In
order to build on these values shared by the United States and Latin America as well as develop
an agenda for the hemisphere’s future, President Clinton organized the first modern Summit of
the Americas. Held in Miami in 1994, the Summit was the first meeting of the region’s leaders
since 1967 and was attended by all 34 democratically elected heads of government in the region,
excluding only Fidel Castro of Cuba. After much discussion, the region’s leaders approved a
comprehensive Plan of Action with 23 separate initiatives under four major themes: preserving
and strengthening the community of democracies of the Americas, promoting prosperity through
economic integration and free trade, eradicating poverty and discrimination in the hemisphere,
and guaranteeing sustainable development and conserving the natural environment for future
generations. One of the most important initiatives to emerge from the Miami Summit was the
agreement to work towards the creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which was ¹
to be completed by January 1, 2005.
Since the 1994 Miami Summit, there have been three Summits of the Americas and two Special
Summits of the Americas, each introducing new initiatives and producing extensive Plans of
Action. In 1996, a Special Summit on Sustainable Development was held in Santa Cruz, Bolivia,
focusing on environmental issues in the hemisphere. In 1998, Santiago, Chile hosted the second
Summit of the Americas. The Santiago Summit focused on education, but also marked the
initiation of negotiations for the FTAA. Quebec City, Canada hosted the third Summit of the
Americas in 2001. The Quebec City Summit produced a commitment to democracy, led to the
creation of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, and generated a preliminary draft of the
FTAA. Another Special Summit of the Americas was held in Monterrey, Mexico in 2004. The
Monterrey Summit produced the Declaration of Nuevo León, which reaffirmed the region’s ²
commitment to implementing the Quebec City Plan of Action. These summits have been
complemented by regular meetings of the ministers of defense, education, finance, justice, labor,
and trade of the countries of the region.
The most recent Summit of the Americas was held in Mar del Plata, Argentina in November
2005. Although the theme of the Summit was “Creating jobs to fight poverty and strengthen
democratic governance,” debate largely centered around the Bush Administration’s proposal to
resume negotiations on the FTAA. President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela led the opposition to the
proposal, speaking to protesters at the so-called ‘People’s Summit,’ who gathered to
demonstrate—sometimes violently—against President Bush, U.S. military involvement in Iraq,
¹
^F^o^{r m}^o^{re i}ⁿ^f^o^rm^atⁱ^oⁿ^on^t^h^e^F^r^{ee T}^r^ad^e^A^r^{ea o}^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^cas,^see^CRS^Rep^o^r^t^RS²⁰⁸⁶⁴^,^A^F^r^{ee T}^r^a^d^e^A^r^ea^o^f^t^h^e
^Am^e^r^ic^as^:^M^a^jor^Po^lic^y^I^s^s^u^e^s^an^{d St}^at^us^of^N^e^got^iati^ons^,^by^J^.^F.^H^o^r^nbe^c^k^.
²^For^m^o^r^e^inf^o^r^m^a^{tion o}ⁿ^the^Su^m^m^its^of¹⁹⁹⁸^{, 2}⁰⁰¹^{, a}^nd²⁰⁰⁴^{, s}^e^e^C^R^S^R^e^por^t^98-³³^0,^Summit^of^the^Ame^r^ic^{as II,}
^Apr^il^18-^19,¹⁹⁹⁸^:^B^a^c^k^g^r^o^u^nd,^O^b^je^c^tiv^e^s^{, and}^Ex^pe^c^t^ati^ons^{, by}^K^.^L^a^r^r^y^Stor^r^s^{; C}^R^S^R^e^por^{t R}^L³⁰⁹³^6,^Sum^mⁱ^t^of^the
^America^s^{III, Qu}^eb^{ec City, C}^aⁿ^a^d^a^,^Ap^ril²⁰^-2²^,²⁰⁰¹^:^Ba^ckg^ro^uⁿ^d^,^Ob^{jectives, a}ⁿ^d^Resu^lts^,^by^K^.^L^a^r^r^y^Stor^r^s^a^nd
^{M. A}ⁿ^g^e^le^{s V}^illa^rre^a^{l; a}^{nd CR}^S^Re^{port RS}²¹⁷⁰^0,^S^p^eci^al^Su^mmi^t^o^f^t^h^{e A}^m^eri^c^a^s^{- Mo}ⁿ^t^errey,^Mexi^co^,^Jan^u^a^r^{y 2}⁰⁰⁴^:
^B^a^ckg^ro^un^d,^Ob^j^ectⁱ^ves,^an^{d R}^e^su^l^t^s^,^by^C^l^a^r^e^Rⁱ^ba^ndo^Se^e^l^k^e^.

and the FTAA. Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, the countries of the Common Market of ³
the South (Mercosur), also opposed the resumption of talks on the FTAA. The Mercosur
countries opposed the continuation of U.S. agricultural subsidies and argued that talks should not
resume until after conclusion of the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Doha Development
Round, when there may be a greater possibility of achieving what they would consider a balanced
and equitable agreement. Despite consensus among 29 of the 34 democratic leaders that FTAA
talks should resume, the economic weight of the dissenting countries led to the adoption of the
first Summit declaration to acknowledge a lack of unanimous agreement among the countries in ⁴
the region concerning the desirability of the FTAA.

According to some observers, one of the greatest political accomplishments of the Summit
process has been the Inter-American Democratic Charter. In the Declaration of Quebec City, the
leaders of the Americas committed to a democracy clause, which led to the creation of the Inter-
American Democratic Charter in September 2001. The Charter affirms the peoples of the
Americas’ universal right to democracy and asserts that the governments of the region have an
obligation to promote and defend democracy. Though it has produced somewhat mixed results,
the Inter-American Democratic Charter has been invoked on several occasions following
challenges to democratic institutions in the region, such as the attempted coup against President
Hugo Chávez of Venezuela in 2002 and the removal of President Lucio Guttierez from office by ⁵
Ecuador’s Congress in 2005.
The Plan of Action adopted at the most recent Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata,
Argentina in 2005, called on the countries of the region to act in solidarity with the Haitian people
to improve democratic institutions. Since the Summit, the Organization of American States
(OAS) Special Mission for Strengthening Democracy in Haiti has worked with the Provisional ⁶
Electoral Council of Haiti to develop a stronger electoral system. The OAS and the Haitian
government completed a mass registration and identity card distribution campaign, which
integrated the citizen identity card issuing process, electoral process, and the Civil Status Registry
in order to better organize and secure population information, establish stronger electoral
institutions, and provide the government with better information to improve the efficiency of its
services. Approximately 3.56 million of the 4.4 million Haitians over the age of 18 were ⁷
registered. Since 2006, the United States has given more than $34 million to Haiti to strengthen
³
^For^m^o^r^e^inf^o^r^m^a^{tion o}ⁿ^Me^r^c^os^ur^{, s}^e^e^C^R^S^R^e^p^o^r^t^R^L³³⁶²^0,^M^e^r^c^os^ur^:^Ev^olu^tioⁿ^an^{d I}^m^plic^atio^ns^for^U^.^S.^Tr^ade
^Polic^y^{, by}^J^.^{F. H}^o^rn^be^c^k^.
⁴^“Ameri^{cas S}^u^mmⁱ^t^Eⁿ^d^sⁱⁿ^P^o^lⁱ^t^{e Di}^ssen^t^{Over Resu}^m^p^tⁱ^oⁿ^o^f^F^T^AA^T^a^l^k^s,^”^L^a^tⁱⁿ^{News Weekl}^{y R}^e^p^o^r^t^{, N}^o^v^e^m^b^e^r
⁸^,²⁰⁰⁵^;^D^e^c^l^ar^atioⁿ^{of M}^a^r^D^e^l^Plata^{, I}^V^S^u^m^m^{it of}^the^A^m^e^r^ic^as^{, N}^o^v^e^m^b^e^r^{5, 200}^5.
⁵^Ba^rr^y^{S. L}^e^v^{itt, “}^A^De^sultory^De^f^e^nse^of^D^e^m^o^c^r^a^c^y^:^O^A^{S Re}^solution¹⁰⁸⁰^aⁿ^{d the}^Iⁿ^te^r-Am^e^ric^aⁿ^De^m^o^c^r^a^tic
^Ch^art^e^r,^”^Lati^{n Ame}^r^ic^aⁿ^Po^litic^s^an^{d S}^o^cⁱ^e^t^y^,V^o^l^u^m^{e 4}⁸⁽³⁾^,²⁰^06;^C^r^ai^{g A}^r^c^eⁿ^eau^{x & Da}^vi^d^Pⁱ^on^-^B^er^lⁱⁿ^,^“I^ssu^es,
^T^h^r^e^a^t^s^,^a^{nd ins}^tit^uti^ons^:^Ex^plaⁱⁿⁱ^ng^O^A^{S R}^e^s^pons^e^s^{to D}^e^m^o^c^r^a^tⁱ^c^D^ilem^m^a^s^{in L}^a^{tin A}^m^e^r^ic^a^,^”^L^a^tin^Ame^r^ic^an
^Politic^{s an}^d^S^o^cⁱ^e^t^y^,^Vol^u^m^e^{49 (}²⁾^,²⁰^07.
⁶^F^o^{r m}^o^{re i}ⁿ^f^o^rm^atⁱ^oⁿ^on^t^h^{e Org}^aⁿⁱ^zatⁱ^oⁿ^o^f^Ameri^can^S^t^at^es,^see^CRS^Rep^o^r^t^RS²²⁰⁹^5,^O^r^ga^niz^a^tⁱ^{on of}^Am^e^r^ic^aⁿ
^State^s^:^A^Pr^im^e^r^{, by}^C^l^a^r^e^Rⁱ^ba^ndo^Se^e^l^k^e^.
⁷^J^o^int^Sum^m^it^W^o^r^k^ing^G^r^{oup, “}^A^c^h^iev^e^m^e^nts^of^the^Sum^m^its^of^the^A^m^e^r^ica^s^{: P}^r^og^r^e^s^s^sⁱ^nc^e^Ma^r^de^l^P^l^a^t^a^,^”²⁰^07.

its judicial system, increase the capabilities of its parliament, and develop stronger political
parties, media, and civil society organizations. The U.S. government has also provided $46
million in equipment and training to strengthen the law enforcement and human rights protection ⁸
capabilities of the Haitian National Police.
The Summits have also led to several important economic initiatives in the hemisphere. In the
Declaration of Nuevo León, the leaders of the hemisphere committed to reducing the average cost
of remittance transfers by at least 50% by 2008. Between 2000 and 2006, transaction costs to
send remittances were reduced from 15% to 5.6%, allowing $5 billion more to reach recipient ⁹
families. The United States has played a large role in reducing the transaction costs of
remittances by encouraging competition, eliminating excess regulations, and promoting the use of
new technology. The cost of sending remittances through some corridors between the United
States and Mexico has fallen by 50% and the United States has begun to partner with other ¹⁰
countries like Guatemala in hopes of achieving similar cost reductions.
The Mar del Plata Plan of Action states that countries should promote investment in
infrastructure. President Bush proposed the Infrastructure Facility of the Americas (IFA) at the
Summit, which encourages private sector investment by reducing the cost of identifying worthy
projects through the establishment of a fund for feasibility assessments. The U.S. Trade and
Development Agency invested $10.4 million in 2006 to support infrastructure development in 14
countries in the region. The funds supported a variety of projects, including road pavement in ¹¹
Paraguay, water re-use in Brazil, and a refinery expansion in Colombia.
In addition to political and economic initiatives, the Summits of the Americas have prompted
some successful social programs. The Declaration of Nuevo León set the goal of providing anti-
retroviral therapy to 600,000 people living with HIV/AIDS in the hemisphere by 2005. As a result
of funding from a variety of multilateral, bilateral, and domestic initiatives, over 640,000 people
in the region were receiving treatment by the time of the 2005 Mar del Plata Summit, exceeding ¹²
the Nuevo León goal. These initiatives included the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief (PEPFAR) and the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.
Additionally, the U.S. government has helped over 400,000 people in the region get tested for
HIV and spent over $552 million on HIV/AIDS programs in the hemisphere between 2001 and
⁸
^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“Natⁱ^oⁿ^a^l^Repo^rt^o^f^t^h^{e Un}ⁱ^t^ed^S^t^at^{es o}^f^Am^eri^{ca o}ⁿ^t^h^{e Im}^p^l^e^m^en^t^a^tⁱ^oⁿ^o^f
^C^o^m^m^it^m^e^nts^f^r^o^m^the^Fo^ur^th^Su^m^m^{it of}^the^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^,”^2007.
⁹^Ibid^.
¹⁰^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“A^chⁱ^e^v^e^m^eⁿ^t^{s o}^f^the^Sum^m^{its of}^the^Am^e^r^ic^a^s^{: Na}^tiona^{l A}^c^c^o^m^p^lishm^eⁿ^ts,”
²⁰⁰^4.
¹¹^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“Natⁱ^oⁿ^a^l^Repo^rt^o^f^t^h^{e Un}ⁱ^t^ed^S^t^at^{es o}^f^Am^eri^{ca o}ⁿ^t^h^{e Im}^p^l^e^m^en^t^a^tⁱ^oⁿ^o^f
^C^o^m^m^it^m^e^nts^f^r^o^m^the^Fo^ur^th^Su^m^m^{it of}^the^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^,”^2007.
¹²^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“A^chⁱ^e^v^e^m^eⁿ^t^{s o}^f^the^Sum^m^{its of}^the^Am^e^r^ic^a^s^{: Na}^tiona^{l A}^c^c^o^m^p^lishm^eⁿ^ts,”
²⁰⁰^4;^For^m^o^r^e^inf^o^r^m^a^{tion o}ⁿ^t^h^e^P^r^e^s^ideⁿ^t’^s^Em^e^r^g^e^ncy^P^l^aⁿ^f^o^r^A^I^D^S^R^e^lief^,^s^e^e^C^R^S^R^e^por^{t R}^L³⁴¹⁹²^,^PE^PFAR:
^{From Eme}^r^ge^nc^y^{to Sust}^aⁱ^nab^ilit^y^{, by}^Tⁱ^a^{ji Sa}^la^a^m^-Bl^y^the^r^.

2007. This represented a substantial increase in funding, rising from just $22 million in 2001 to ¹³

over $153 million in 2007.
The Plan of Action of the Mar del Plata Summit called for the eradication of the worst forms of
child labor by 2020. The U.S. Department of Labor has taken the lead in working toward
achieving this goal by funding $22 million in anti-child labor projects throughout the region in
2004 and providing an additional $16 million in 2005. These projects combat child labor in
hazardous agricultural and industrial sectors and improve access to basic education for children ¹⁴
who have already endured child labor. These programs have been responsible for withdrawing
and preventing more than 40,000 children from the worst forms of child labor in countries ¹⁵
throughout the region.

The Summits of the Americas process has drawn criticism throughout its brief history. Civil
society and anti-globalization organizations contend that the Summits lack openness and
transparency. These groups argue that important discussions that affect the welfare of all people
in the region should not be held behind closed doors and that the Summits should be open to civil
society representatives. The exclusivity of the Summits and the large role that negotiations over
the FTAA have played at each of the Summits have led some civil society groups to assert that the
Summits promote the expansion of corporate power while ignoring social welfare, environmental ¹⁶
protection, and citizens’ rights. Although the countries of the region agreed in the Declaration of
Quebec City that the Summits must be open, transparent, and include civil society, many civil ¹⁷
society groups contend that little has been done to increase their participation.
Many observers have also criticized the Summits of the Americas for producing overly-ambitious
documents that repeatedly mandate new initiatives while largely ignoring the status of
implementation of previous Summit commitments. Since the first Summit of the Americas, over ¹⁸
600 initiatives have been introduced. Many of these mandates provide no criteria for measuring
¹³
^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“Natⁱ^oⁿ^a^l^Repo^rt^o^f^t^h^{e Un}ⁱ^t^ed^S^t^at^{es o}^f^Am^eri^{ca o}ⁿ^t^h^{e Im}^p^l^e^m^en^t^a^tⁱ^oⁿ^o^f
^C^o^m^m^it^m^e^nts^f^r^o^m^the^Fo^ur^th^Su^m^m^{it of}^the^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^,”^2007.
¹⁴^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“A^chⁱ^e^v^e^m^eⁿ^t^{s o}^f^the^Sum^m^{its of}^the^Am^e^r^ic^a^s^{: Na}^tiona^{l A}^c^c^o^m^p^lishm^eⁿ^ts,”
²⁰⁰^4.
¹⁵^S^u^mmⁱ^t^s^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^{cas S}^ecr^et^a^rⁱ^a^t^,^“Natⁱ^oⁿ^a^l^Repo^rt^o^f^t^h^{e Un}ⁱ^t^ed^S^t^at^{es o}^f^Am^eri^{ca o}ⁿ^t^h^{e Im}^p^l^e^m^en^t^a^tⁱ^oⁿ^o^f
^C^o^m^m^it^m^e^nts^f^r^o^m^the^Fo^ur^th^Su^m^m^{it of}^the^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^,”^2007.
¹⁶^“T^rad^e^S^u^mmⁱ^t^S^p^u^r^s^P^eace^f^u^l^P^r^o^t^est^,^”^W^a^s^hⁱ^ngt^{on Tim}^e^s^{, A}^p^ril^21,²⁰⁰¹^{; “}^C^o^unte^r-S^um^m^{it to Su}^m^m^{it of}^the
^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^Show^ca^s^e^s^O^ppos^itioⁿ^{to U}^.^S^{., N}^e^oli^b^e^r^a^l^Ec^o^nom^ic^s^,^”^Lati^{n Am}^e^r^ic^{a D}^a^t^a^B^a^s^e^N^o^ti^Sur^,^Dece^m^b^{er 2}^,
²⁰⁰^{5; “}^C^a^r^ib^be^aⁿ^S^ub-^R^e^gⁱ^oⁿ^a^l^Cⁱ^v^{il Soc}ⁱ^e^t^y^For^u^m^U^nde^r^s^c^o^r^e^s^O^A^{S E}^m^pha^sⁱ^s^{on I}ⁿ^c^l^usⁱ^on,^A^h^e^a^d^of^Sum^m^{it of}
^t^h^{e Am}^eri^c^as,^”^US^Fed^News^{, N}^o^v^e^m^b^e^r^{3, 20}⁰⁸^.
¹⁷^P^e^te^{r Ric}^h^a^r^ds^{, “}^P^olitic^s^:^Civⁱ^l^S^o^cⁱ^e^t^y^G^r^oups^D^e^m^a^{nd V}^o^ic^e^a^t^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^Su^m^m^it,”^In^{ter Press S}^e^rvice^{, N}^o^v^e^m^b^e^r
⁵^,²⁰⁰⁸^.
¹⁸^P^e^te^{r Ric}^h^a^r^ds^{, “}^P^olitic^s^:^Civⁱ^l^S^o^cⁱ^e^t^y^G^r^oups^D^e^m^a^{nd V}^o^ic^e^a^t^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^Su^m^m^it,”^In^{ter Press S}^e^rvice^{, N}^o^v^e^m^b^e^r
⁵^,²⁰⁰⁸^;^Racqu^e^l^S^mⁱ^t^h^,^“S^u^m^mⁱ^t^Ref^o^r^m^an^d^Ci^vi^l^S^o^ci^et^y^:^T^a^kiⁿ^g^{a Deep}^{er L}^o^o^k^,^”^{FOCAL Poin}^t^,^A^u^g^u^s^t²⁰⁰^8.

their implementation. Likewise, there are few mechanisms to enforce implementation of those
initiatives that are measurable. Furthermore, many countries lack the organizational capacity,
political will, or financial resources to implement the Summits’ mandates. As a result, most ¹⁹
Summit commitments have never been met. The failure of many countries to implement the
Summits’ mandates has cast doubt upon the effectiveness of the Summit process and called into
question the credibility of the Summits of the Americas as an institution for achieving tangible
results in the hemisphere.
Some analysts, acknowledging the divergence of economic values among countries of the region,
have begun to question whether the Summit of the Americas process is worth continuing.
Whereas the Summit process was initiated in a spirit of cooperation by like-minded leaders in
Miami in 1994, the hemisphere is now more divided than at any time since the Cold War. The
dismissal of the Bush Administration’s proposal to resume talks on the FTAA at the Mar del Plata
Summit was a clear manifestation of the increasing number of leaders and countries in the region
that reject neoliberal economic policies. Indeed, the most recent Latinobarómetro survey found
that while 56% of Latin Americans agree that a market economy is the only path to development,
only 32% are satisfied with services that have been privatized and majorities in every Latin
American nation believe their countries should rely more on state solutions than market solutions ²⁰
to resolve societal problems. Given these economic divisions and the movement of the Summit
agenda away from the FTAA and toward state-based development programs, some analysts
believe the interests of the United States would be better served by focusing instead on finalizing
bilateral and multilateral agreements with those countries that still share the U.S. commitment to ²¹
free trade.

The fifth Summit of the Americas is scheduled to be held April 17-19, 2009 in Port of Spain,
Trinidad and Tobago. All 34 democratically elected leaders of the hemisphere are scheduled to
attend the summit, many of whom will be attending for the first time, including President-elect
Obama and Presidents Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina, Morales of Bolivia, Bachelet of
Chile, Arias of Costa Rica, Correa of Ecuador, Colom of Guatemala, Zelaya of Honduras,
Calderón of Mexico, Ortega of Nicaragua, Lugo of Paraguay, and García of Peru. Although Raúl
Castro officially succeeded his brother Fidel as President of Cuba in February 2008, the country’s
communist government has once again ensured that it will be the only country in the region not
invited to attend the Summit of democratic nations.
¹⁹
^Ri^ch^ard^E^.^F^eⁱⁿ^b^e^rg,^S^u^mmitryⁱⁿ^the^Ame^r^ic^{as: A Pro}^g^re^{ss Re}^po^rt^{, Instit}^ute^f^o^{r Inte}^rⁿ^a^tio^na^{l Ec}^oⁿ^o^mⁱ^c^s^,^A^p^ril
¹⁹⁹⁷^;^J^u^an^Cr^u^z^Di^az,^“T^h^e²⁰^{09 S}^u^mmⁱ^t^o^f^t^h^{e Am}^eri^cas:^A^Ne^{w Op}^po^rt^unⁱ^t^y^,^”^C^ounc^il^of^the^Am^e^r^ic^as^{, J}^u^ly^22,
²⁰⁰^8.
²⁰^C^o^r^p^or^a^cⁱ^ón^L^a^tinoba^r^ó^m^e^tr^o,^Iⁿ^for^m^e²⁰⁰⁸^{, 20}⁰⁸^.
²¹^Ja^m^e^{s M}^.^Ro^b^e^rt^s,^“Ret^hⁱⁿ^kⁱⁿ^{g t}^h^{e S}^u^m^mⁱ^t^o^f^t^h^e^Am^eri^c^{as an}^d^A^d^van^cⁱⁿ^{g F}^r^ee^T^r^ad^{e i}ⁿ^L^a^tⁱⁿ^Ameri^ca,^”^The
^H^e^r^itage^Fo^un^dat^ioⁿ^{, A}^u^g^u^s^t^8,²⁰⁰⁸^.

The theme of the Port of Spain Summit is, “Securing our citizens’ future by promoting human ²²
prosperity, energy security, and environmental sustainability.” In July 2008, The Summit
Implementation Review Group (SIRG) issued a “Draft Declaration of Commitment” for the Port
of Spain Summit. The Draft Declaration of Commitment combines the traditional Summit
Declaration and Plan of Action into a single document, and proposes 65 commitments under six
themes: promoting human prosperity, promoting energy security, promoting environmental
sustainability, strengthening public security, strengthening democratic governance, and
strengthening the Summit of the Americas follow up and implementation effectiveness.
Promoting human prosperity is the most extensive section in the Draft Declaration. According to
the document, countries will reaffirm their support for a number of past commitments, such as
halving poverty by 2015 and eradicating child labor by 2020. Among the new national
commitments of governments are goals to increase investment in research and development to a
minimum of 1% of GDP by 2015, increase public spending on health to at least 5% of GDP by
2015, increase secondary education enrollment to 75% by 2010, and increase enrollment in
tertiary education to at least 40% by 2020. Additionally, the countries of the region will call on
multilateral organizations to address a number of issues. The Draft Declaration calls on the World
Bank, Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), and other regional banks to double lending to
micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises and triple the number of enterprises accessing credit
by 2012. The Draft also directs the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to prepare a
regional contingency plan that contains new international health regulations to address the spread
of vector borne diseases by the end of 2009.
The energy security section of the Draft Declaration sets a number of specific goals for the
countries of the Americas. These include generating a minimum of 50% of national primary
energy demands with renewable and low-carbon energy sources by 2050, and ensuring universal
access to accurate and reliable information on energy and environmental issues by 2012. The
energy section also calls for hemispheric cooperation in creating cross-border renewable energy
infrastructure, encouraging the development of next-generation biofuels, and developing a
strategy for international cooperation on issues related to energy.
The environmental sustainability section of the Declaration presents a wide variety of
commitments, but offers very little in terms of immediate action on environmental issues.
Countries will commit to ensure the eventual stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the
atmosphere at a level that will not seriously affect Earth’s climate and weather systems and work
toward a global agreement on Climate Change at the United Nations Framework Conventions on
Climate Change (UNFCCC) meeting in Copenhagen, Denmark in November and December of
²²
^Sum^m^{it I}^m^plem^eⁿ^ta^{tion R}^e^vⁱ^e^w^G^r^oup,^D^r^aft^D^e^c^l^ar^ati^on^{of C}^o^m^m^itm^eⁿ^t^{, J}^u^ly^21,²⁰⁰⁸^.

2009. The Draft Declaration also directs Ministers responsible for sustainable development in
their countries to work with the World Bank and IDB to undertake comprehensive studies of the
potential impacts of climate change on each of the nations of the Americas and develop “plans of
action” to mitigate those impacts by 2011.
Public security is the briefest section of the Draft Declaration. Governments of the region will
commit to cooperate with one another to combat terrorist and criminal organizations, prevent
them from operating across borders, and deny them resources. Countries will also direct the OAS
Secretariat for Multi-Dimensional Security to develop a regional strategy for dealing with
criminal gangs that gives special attention to the region’s youth.
The nations of the Americas reaffirm their commitments to a variety of regional democratic
initiatives in the Draft Declaration. They commit to uphold and apply the values of the Inter-
American Democratic Charter and the Inter-American Conventional Against Corruption as well
as to strengthen the Inter-American System of Human Rights. Countries will also commit to
conclude negotiations on the proposed Social Charter of the Americas and its Plan of Action—
which were proposed by Venezuela and recognize a wide variety of social, community, economic,
cultural, and indigenous rights—and adopt them before the end of 2009.
In order to improve the effectiveness of the Summit of the Americas and ensure that the
commitments made at the Summit are met, the Draft Declaration proposes a number of reforms to
the Summit process. Countries will agree to hold the Summits of the Americas on a regular basis,
at least every three years. They will also call on multilateral financial institutions to work with
Ministers of Finance to ensure that countries have the technical and fiscal resources to implement
the Summits’ mandates. Likewise, the Draft Declaration encourages countries to increase the
participation of civil society and business groups in the Summit process and instructs the OAS
and SIRG to report annually on the progress made toward achieving the goals of the Summits.
The Port of Spain Summit comes at a difficult time in the hemisphere. Rising food prices and the
global financial crisis threaten to erase the economic and social gains of the past decade in many
countries of the region. Indeed, citizens of 17 of the 18 Latin American countries surveyed by
Latinobarómetro in 2008 listed economic problems as the most important challenges facing their
countries, with 53% of all Latin Americans saying they would be willing to live under an ²³
undemocratic government if it could solve their countries’ economic problems. The hemisphere
is also increasingly divided. The 2005 Mar del Plata Summit was often confrontational and in
2007, Latin America and the Caribbean was the only region that was incapable of selecting a
²³
^C^o^r^p^or^a^cⁱ^ón^L^a^tinoba^r^ó^m^e^tr^o,^Iⁿ^for^m^e²⁰⁰⁸^{, 20}⁰⁸^.

consensus candidate for a temporary seat on the U.N. Security Council.²⁴ The United States has
become ever more isolated from the rest of the region as well. Favorable opinions of the United
States in Latin America have fallen from 73%, following the attacks of September 11, 2001, to ²⁵
58% in 2008. Likewise, in two recent crises in the hemisphere—the Colombian airstrike of a
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) camp inside Ecuador and the ongoing social
and political conflict in Bolivia—the United States and the regional body to which it belongs, the
OAS, have played minor roles while regional bodies that exclude the United States, the Rio ²⁶
Group and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), have taken the leads.
Additionally, the first Latin America and Caribbean Integration and Development Summit, held in
Salvador de Bahia Brazil on December 16, 2008, hosted 31 heads of government from the ²⁷
Hemisphere, including Cuba but excluding the United States and Canada.
Despite these challenges, many analysts are optimistic about the Summit. Since the Port of Spain
Summit’s organizers left controversial subjects like trade and migration off the agenda in favor of
issues like social equity, energy cooperation, and environmental sustainability, there should be
more consensus. Similarly, the election of Barack Obama, who announced that he would pursue a
policy of sustained diplomacy in the region, with a focus on advancing democracy, security, and
opportunity, has led several regional leaders who have had difficult relationships with the Bush
Administration to express hope that they can engage the United States in a more constructive ²⁸
manner. Likewise, The Draft Declaration of Commitment’s identification of specific,
measurable, and attainable targets as well as institutions to assist in their implementation should
make it a more effective document than those produced at previous Summits. This new agenda,
spirit of cooperation, and focus on results address the concerns of many Summit critics and set
the stage for what could be a very successful Summit of the Americas.
Many in Congress have expressed disappointment over what they believe has been a lack of a
hemispheric agenda during the Bush Administration. This has led to a growing concern that U.S.
leadership and influence in the region has seriously eroded to the benefit of others with anti-
American agendas. The confluence of the Port of Spain Summit and a new U.S. Administration
offers an opportunity to establish a new direction in U.S.-Latin America relations.
Although many of the mandates put forth by the Draft Declaration of the Port of Spain Summit
are directed toward multilateral organizations like the OAS, the IDB, and PAHO, there are a
number of commitments that would require U.S. action and funding. Congress may be interested
in areas of convergence between the priorities of the Obama Administration and initiatives
outlined in the Draft Declaration—such as energy, climate change, and social justice—where the
Administration may ask Congress to commit U.S. resources.
²⁴
^P^e^t^e^r^Haki^m^,^“W^h^y^W^e^A^r^{e T}^o^g^e^t^h^er,^”^{FOCAL P}^oⁱⁿ^t^,^A^u^gu^st²⁰⁰⁸^.
²⁵^C^o^r^p^or^a^cⁱ^ón^L^a^tinoba^r^ó^m^e^tr^o,^Iⁿ^for^m^e²⁰⁰⁸^{, 20}⁰⁸^.
²⁶^“^L^a^{tin Am}^e^r^ic^a^G^o^e^s^It^A^l^one^a^s^Boliv^ia^{n C}^onf^lic^{t Ex}^plo^d^e^s^,”^L^a^tⁱⁿ^{News Weekl}^{y R}^e^p^o^r^t^{, Se}^pte^m^be^r^18,²⁰⁰⁸^.
²⁷^A^l^ex^{i B}^a^r^rⁱ^onue^v^o^“^A^{t Me}^e^tingⁱⁿ^B^r^a^z^{il, W}^a^s^h^ing^t^oⁿ^is^Sc^or^ne^d,^”^{New Yo}^{rk Times}^{, D}^e^c^e^m^b^e^r^17,²⁰⁰^8.
²⁸^“A^Ne^w^P^a^rtⁿ^e^rshⁱ^p^f^o^{r t}^h^{e Am}^e^rⁱ^cas,^”^O^bam^{a f}^o^r^Am^e^r^ic^a^,²⁰^08;^J^a^c^k^C^h^aⁿ^g^,^“^O^bam^a^Wⁱ^{n B}^r^ing^s^Hⁱ^g^h^H^ope^s^t^o
^the^H^e^mⁱ^s^phe^r^e^,”^Mⁱ^{ami He}^rald^,^No^ve^m^b^er⁶^,²⁰⁰⁸^.

Several of the initiatives in the Draft Declaration of Commitment concerning energy and the
environment coincide with President-elect Obama’s campaign proposals. As noted above, under
the Draft Declaration, countries of the region will commit to increased production of renewable
energy, expansion of biofuels, development of a regional renewable energy infrastructure, and
reductions in green house gas emissions. President-elect Obama called for a number of similar
initiatives during his campaign. He proposed policies that would ensure that 25% of U.S. energy
is produced by renewable sources by 2025, establish an “Energy Partnership for the Americas” to
coordinate research, development, and transfer of renewable energy sources in the region, and ²⁹
implement a cap-and-trade system to lower domestic carbon emissions by 80% by 2050.
There are also a few social initiatives in the Draft Declaration of Commitment that coincide with
proposed policies of the new Administration. The Draft Declaration reaffirms the countries of the
Americas’ commitment to meeting the U.N. Millennium Development Goals and providing
adequate funding for the Global Fund to Combat AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. President-
elect Obama has proposed targeting new U.S. assistance to help countries meet the U.N. ³⁰
Millennium Development Goals as well as increasing U.S. contributions to the Global Fund.
^P^e^t^e^{r J}^.^Mey^e^r
^An^al^y^s^tⁱⁿ^L^a^tiⁿ^Am^er^icaⁿ^Af^f^a^ir^s
^pm^e^y^er^@^c^rs^.l^oc.g^ov^{, 7-}⁵⁴⁷⁴

²⁹
^{“Barack Ob}^a^m^{a an}^d^Jo^{e Bi}^d^eⁿ^:^Ne^w^Eⁿ^erg^y^f^o^{r Ameri}^ca,^”^O^bam^{a for}^Am^e^r^ic^a^,²⁰⁰⁸^;^“A^Ne^w^P^a^r^tⁿ^e^r^s^hⁱ^{p f}^o^r^t^h^e
^Ameri^cas,^”^O^bam^{a for}^Am^e^r^ic^a^{, 200}^8.
³⁰^“A^Ne^w^P^a^rtⁿ^e^rshⁱ^p^f^o^{r t}^h^{e Am}^e^rⁱ^cas,^”^O^bam^{a f}^o^r^Am^e^r^ic^a^{, 20}^08.