The Department of States Patterns of Global Terrorism Report: Trends, State Sponsors, and Related Issues

CRS Report for Congress
The Department of State’s
Patterns of Global Terrorism Report:
Trends, State Sponsors, and Related Issues
Updated October 5, 2004
Raphael Perl
Specialist in International Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division


Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress

The Department of State’s
Patterns of Global Terrorism Report:
Trends, State Sponsors, and Related Issues
Summary
This report highlights trends and data found in the State Department’s annual
Patterns of Global Terrorism report, (Patterns 2003) and addresses selected issues
relating to its content. This report will not be updated.
On April 29, 2004, the Department of State released its annual Patterns of
Global Terrorism report. After discrepancies were noted in reported data, the
Department of State issued revised statistics on June 22, 2004. The newly released
data showed minimal change in the number of terrorist attacks worldwide in 2003
over 2002 levels — an increase from 205 attacks to 208. In 2003, the overall number
of reported anti-U.S. attacks declined visibly, 60 anti-U.S. attacks in 2003 as opposed
to 77 attacks in the previous year. In 2003, the number of persons killed in
international terrorist attacks was 625, down from 725 in 2002. In 2003, persons
wounded numbered 3,646, up from 2,013 the previous year. In 2003, as in 2002, both
the highest number of attacks (80) and highest number of casualties (159 dead and
1,268 wounded) continued to occur in Asia. Notably, the report defines terrorist acts
as incidents directed against noncombatants. Thus, attacks in Iraq on military targets
are not included.
Patterns, a work widely perceived as a standard, authoritative reference tool on
terrorist activity, trends, and groups, has been subject to periodic criticism that it is
unduly influenced by domestic, other foreign policy, political and economic
considerations. Patterns is currently undergoing an internal executive branch review.
This year for the first time, data contained in Patterns was provided by the
newly operational Terrorist Threat Integration Center (TTIC). On August 2, 2004,
President Bush announced plans to create a National Counterterrorism Center
(NCTC), an institutional change recommended by the 9/11 Commission in its July
19, 2004 report. The center is envisioned as serving as a central knowledge bank for
information about known and suspected terrorists and would be charged with
coordinating and monitoring counterterrorism plans and activities of all government
agencies, and preparing the daily terrorism threat report for the President and senior
officials. Presumably the function of compiling the data for Patterns will be
performed by the new National Counterterrorism Center, if and when it is
established.
It has been some fifteen years since Congress mandated the first Patterns report.
When the report was originally conceived as a reference document, the primary threat
from terrorism was state sponsored. Since then, the threat has evolved with Al Qaeda
affiliated groups and non-state sponsors increasingly posing a major threat. Given
the increased complexity and danger posed by the terrorist threat, one option
available to Congress and the executive branch is to take a fresh look at Patterns, its
structure and content.



Contents
Overview of 2003 Terrorist Trends....................................1
State Sponsors of Terrorism..........................................2
Country Highlights.................................................3
Terrorism List Nations..........................................3
Iran .....................................................3
North Korea..............................................3
Iraq .....................................................3
Libya ...................................................4
Syria ....................................................4
Cuba ....................................................4
Sudan ...................................................5
Report Issues.....................................................5
Politicization of Report.........................................5
Over- or Under-Emphasizing Levels of Cooperation ..................5
Review and Restructuring of Patterns..............................6
Conclusion .......................................................8
List of Tables
Patterns of Global Terrorism Data, 2002-2003...........................9



The Department of State’s
Patterns of Global Terrorism Report:
Trends, State Sponsors, and Related Issues
Overview of 2003 Terrorist Trends
On April 29, 2004, the Department of State released its Patterns of Global
Terrorism report (hereafter referred to as Patterns 2003).1 Shortly thereafter it was
observed that the original numbers of terrorist attacks and casualties were understated
and on June 22, 2004, an updated version was released.2 Revised data3 show
minimal change in the number of terrorist attacks worldwide in 2003 over 2002
levels — an increase from 205 attacks to 208. In 2003, the overall number of
reported anti-U.S. attacks declined visibly, 60 anti-US attacks in 2003 as opposed to

77 attacks in the previous year.


The report indicates that worldwide deaths from international terrorist activity
were down roughly 14% in 2003 (from 725 to 625) and the number of wounded was
up roughly 81% from 2,013 to 3,646. In 2003, as in 2002, both the highest number
of attacks (80) and highest number of casualties (159 dead and 1,268 wounded)
continued to occur in Asia where the number of attacks declined roughly by one-fifth,
and the number of casualties increased roughly 11%. The report emphasizes that
most of the attacks in Iraq that occurred during Operation Iraqi Freedom do not meet
the U.S. definition of international terrorism employed by Patterns because they were
directed at combatants, that is, “American and coalition forces on duty.”4


1 Patterns is an annual report to Congress required by Title 22 of the United States Code,
Section 2656f(a).
2 Note that the Patterns of Global Terrorism 2003 as originally released understated the
number of deadly attacks and casualties. On June 10, 2004 Secretary of State, Colin Powell,
announced that he was “very disturbed” by the errors reported and State Department
Spokesman Richard Boucher acknowledged that the report was “incomplete and in some
cases incorrect” (press release of the Office of the Spokesman, U.S. State Department, on
June 10, 2004). He mentioned that the reason for those mistakes is rooted in insufficient
verification of the data derived from TTIC. Boucher announced that a correction of the
report will be issued. The revised data was released on June 22, 2004.
3 The revised data is contained in sections Year in Review, Appendix A and Appendix G in
the Pattern 2003 report and is available at U.S. Department of State website,
[ ht t p: / / www.st at e.gov/ s/ ct / r l s / pgt r pt / 2003/ ] .
4 See 22 United States Code, Section 2656f(d) which defines acts of international terrorism
as meaning “involving citizens or the territory of more than one country.” Thus, excluded
here would be major domestic terrorist acts in a country which might have major national
(continued...)

In additional to statistical charts, Patterns includes in its Appendixes a summary
chronology of significant terrorist incidents and background information on U.S.
designated foreign terrorist organizations and other terrorist groups.5
State Sponsors of Terrorism
In addition to data on terrorist trends, groups, and activities worldwide, the
report provides a description as to why countries are on the U.S. list of state sponsors
of terrorism that are subject to U.S. sanctions. Thus, included in Patterns are
detailed data on the seven countries currently on the “terrorism list”: Cuba, Iran,
Iraq, Libya, North Korea, Sudan and Syria. U.S. Administration officials maintain
that the practice of designating and reporting on the activities of the state sponsors
of terrorism list and concomitant sanctions policy has contributed significantly to a
reduction in the overt — and apparently overall — activity level of states supporting
terrorism in the past decade. Libya and Sudan are frequently cited as examples of
such success.
Countries designated as state sponsors of terrorism are subject to severe U.S.
export controls — particularly of dual use technology. The Anti-Terrorism and Arms
Export Amendments Act of 1989 (P.L. 101-222) prohibits export of dual use items,
as well sales of military items and foreign economic assistance to countries on the
terrorism list. Also, the Foreign Assistance Act prohibits providing foreign aid to
these designated countries. Section 6(j) of the 1979 Export Administration Act
stipulates that Congress must be notified at least 30 days in advance before any
licenses are issued for exporting equipment or services that could be used for terrorist
or military purposes. Other sanctions include denying foreign tax credits on income
earned in those countries.
The degree of support for, or involvement in, terrorist activities typically varies
dramatically from nation to nation. In 2003, of the seven on the U.S. terrorism list,
Iran continued to be characterized on one extreme as an active supporter of terrorism:
a nation that uses terrorism as an instrument of policy or warfare beyond its borders.
Closer to the middle of the spectrum is Syria. Although not formally detected in an
active role since 1986, Patterns reports that the Assad regime reportedly uses groups
in Syria and Lebanon to export terror into Israel and allows groups to train in territory
under its control. On the less active end of the spectrum, one might place countries


4 (...continued)
or international impact. “Terrorism” is defined as “premeditated, politically motivated
violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine
agents, usually intended to influence an audience”. N.B., Patterns includes in this definition
attacks on military personnel who are unarmed, or not on duty, and attacks on military
installations, or unarmed military personnel, when a state of military hostilities does not
exist at the site.
5 For a detailed and authoritative discussion of Foreign Terrorist Organizations and the
criteria for their designation, see CRS Report RL32223, Foreign Terrorist Organizations,
by Audrey Kurth Cronin et al. and CRS Report RL32120, The FTO List and Congress:
Sanctioning Designated Terrorist Organizations, by Audrey Kurth Cronin.

such as Cuba or North Korea, which at the height of the Cold War were more active,
but in recent years have seemed to settle for a more passive role of granting ongoing
safe haven to previously admitted terrorists. Also at the less active end of the
spectrum, and arguably falling off it, are Libya and notably Sudan, which reportedly
has stepped up counterterrorism cooperation with U.S. law enforcement and
intelligence agencies after the attacks of September 11, 2001.
Country Highlights
Terrorism List Nations
Iran. Patterns 2003 again designates Iran as the “most active” state sponsor of
international terrorism. The report, which incorporates data from U.S. and allied
intelligence services, notes that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard and Ministry of
Intelligence and Security were “involved in the planning of and support for terrorist
acts and continued to exhort a variety of groups that use terrorism to pursue their
goals.”6 Actions cited include (1) providing safe haven to members of Al Qaeda; (2)
providing money, weapons and training to HAMAS, Hizballah, and Arab Palestinian
rejectionist groups; and (3) helping members of the Ansar al Islam group in Iraq
transit and find safe haven in Iran. The report notes that Iranian officials have
acknowledged detaining Al Qaeda operatives during 2003, but have resisted calls to
transfer them to their countries of origin. On December 19, 2003, Iran announced it
will sign an agreement allowing international inspections of nuclear sites. Iran is not
considered to be a likely candidate for removal from the Department of State’s
Terrorism Sponsors List in the coming year.
North Korea. North Korea, designated a member of the “axis of evil” by
President Bush in his 2003 State of the Union Address, is not known to have
sponsored any terrorist acts since 1987 according to the report. However, it
continued to give sanctuary to hijackers affiliated with the Japanese Red Army.
Patterns 2003 stresses that North Korea announced it planned to sign several
antiterrorism conventions, but did not take any substantive steps to cooperate in
efforts to combat terrorism. Although Patterns notes that North Korea’s support for
international terrorism appears limited at present, its efforts to restart its nuclear
program and its role in proliferation of ballistic missiles and missile technology
suggest that its removal from the terrorism list will not occur anytime soon.
Iraq. Iraq, under Saddam Hussein, had been cited in the 2002 Patterns report
for a longstanding policy of providing safe haven and bases for terrorist groups and
as having laid the groundwork for possible attacks against civilian and military
targets in the United States and other Western nations throughout 2002. However,
in the event of a substantive regime change, a nation may be removed from the
terrorism list. Under U.S. law, (Paragraph 6 (j) (4) of the Export Administration Act,
the President must first report to Congress that the government of the country
concerned: (1) does not support terrorism and (2) has provided assurances that it will


6 Patterns 2003, p. 88

not support terrorism in the future. On May 7, 2003, President Bush suspended all
sanctions against Iraq applicable to state sponsors of terrorism, which had the
practical effect of putting Iraq on a par with non terrorist states. Iraq is expected to
be removed from the terrorism list as soon as it has its own government in place that
pledges not to support terrorist acts in the future, a requirement expected to be met
shortly after June 30, 2004. The report notes that the line between insurgency and
terrorism has become “increasingly blurred” in Iraq, as attacks on civilian targets
have become more common. By the end of 2003, coalition forces had detained more
than 300 suspected foreign fighters in Iraq7.
Libya. In 2003 Libya reiterated assurances to the U.N. Security Council that
it had renounced terrorism, had shared intelligence with Western intelligence
agencies, had taken steps to resolve matters related to its past support of terrorism,
and on December 19, 2003 announced it would rid itself of weapons of mass8
destruction and allow inspections of its nuclear facilities. The report states that in
2003, Libya held to its pattern in recent years of curtailing support for international
terrorists, although Tripoli continued in 2003 to maintain contact with “some past
terrorist clients.” President Bush lifted sanctions against Libya on April 23, 2004,
after successful intelligence cooperation on WMD issues and efforts by Libya to
resolve compensation for Pam Am flight 103 survivors.
Syria. Syria, according to Patterns 2003, continued to provide political and
material support to Palestinian rejectionist groups and continued to permit Iran to use
Damascus as a transhipment point for resupplying Hizballah in Lebanon. On a
positive note, the report notes that Damascus has cooperated with other governments
“against al Qaeda, the Taliban, and other terrorist organizations and individuals,” has
discouraged signs of public support for Al Qaeda, including in the media and
mosques, and has made efforts to tighten its borders with Iraq to limit the movement
of anti-Coalition foreign fighters. On May 11, 2004, President Bush imposed
economic and trade sanctions against Syria under the Syrian Accountability Act,9
but also waived some of the provisions, notably provisions applying to the export of
select items.10
Cuba. Cuba, a terrorism list carryover from the cold war has, according to
Patterns 2003, “remained opposed to the U.S.- led Coalition prosecuting the global11
war on terrorism” and continued to provide support to designated terrorist


7 See generally CRS Report RL32217, Iraq and Al Qaeda: Allies or Not?, by Kenneth
Katzman.
8 See generally CRS Issue Brief IB93109, Libya, by Clyde R. Mark.
9 P.L. 108-175.
10 See CRS Issue Brief IB92075, Syria: US Relations and Bilateral Issues, by Alfred B.
Prados.
11 See Patterns 2003, p. 86.

organizations. It is considered unlikely that Cuba will be removed from the terrorism
list, absent a regime change.12
Sudan. Sudan is generally considered by observers to be a strong candidate
for removal from the terrorism list. Patterns 2003 claims that the nation has
“deepened its cooperation with the U.S. Government,” producing significant progress
in combating terrorist activity, but “areas of concern” remain, notably the active
presence in Sudan of Hamas and the Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ). In 2004, Sudan
was removed from the list of countries designated by the Secretary of State as not
fully cooperating with the United States in the war on terrorism.
Report Issues
Politicization of Report
Some critics of Patterns and its designation of state sponsors of terrorism charge
that the Patterns 2003 report generally, and specifically its reporting of activities of
nations, is unduly influenced by a complex web of overlapping and sometimes
competing political and economic agendas and concerns. As cases in point, they
refer to activity cited in Patterns reports used to justify retaining Cuba and North
Korea on the state sponsors list.13 Others suggest that Patterns’ heavy focus on state
sponsors of terror make such reports less useful in a world where terrorist activity is
increasingly neither state supported nor state countenanced. Still others ask whether,
and to what degree, Patterns supports a sanctions policy that is unrealistically
achievable and too unilateral when imposing sanctions on nations in which U.S. and
allied economic and strategic geopolitical interests run high.
However, Patterns in its current form is not intended to set policy. Thus, one
potential shortcoming of the criticisms cited above is that they are either policy
oriented or revolve around disagreement with policy issues instead of centering on
disagreement with the data and analysis presented in Patterns reports. Moreover,
such criticisms, they maintain, arguably place too much emphasis on the state
sponsors section of Patterns, with little or no emphasis on the plethora of useful data
provided in the report on trends in terrorist activity and background on terrorist
organizations. Another issue related to politicization not addressed in Patterns 2003
is that of confronting incitement to terrorism when promoted, countenanced, or
facilitated by the action, or inaction, of nation states.
Over- or Under-Emphasizing Levels of Cooperation
Particularly strong have been suggestions by some that Patterns plays down
undesirable levels of counterterrorism cooperation and progress in the case of nations


12 See generally, CRS Report RL32251, Cuba and the State Sponsors of Terrorism List, by
Mark Sullivan.
13 See CRS Report RL32251, Cuba and the State Sponsors of Terrorism List, by Mark
Sullivan.

seen as vital to the global campaign against terror. Patterns 2003, in contrast to pre
“9/11” report versions, is silent about Pakistan’s alleged ongoing support for
Kashmiri militants and their attacks against the population of India. Some critics
argue that Patterns 2003 also falls far short of criticizing Saudi Arabia, perceived by
many analysts as a slow, unwilling, or halfhearted ally in curbing or cracking down
on activities which support or spawn terrorism activities outside its borders. In
contrast, Patterns 2003 cites Saudi Arabia as “an excellent example of a nation
increasingly focusing its political will to fight terrorism.” Some suggest, however,
that often at play here is simply a desire to put the best face on terrorist related
relationships in the hopes of obtaining better cooperation in the future.
On the flip side of the coin is an issue, yet to be resolved, of how to inform
Congress and give countries credit in Patterns for cooperation in such matters as
intelligence or renditions when, for domestic political concerns, they do not want
this made public. One option might be to produce more frequently a classified annex
to the Patterns report which has been done in the past. A downside, however, is that
preparation of a classified version is much more time consuming for those tasked
with simultaneously preparing the public document.
Review and Restructuring of Patterns
Some also suggest that Patterns reports could be stronger in their coverage of
the ideological and economic impact of terrorism on individual nations and the global
economy. One issue here, as raised by some observers, is whether Patterns places
too much emphasis on quantifying and measuring terrorist success in terms of
physical damage to persons and property when terror groups may increasingly be
measuring mid-and long term success by economic and political criteria.
Going beyond the question, raised by some, of any perceived shortcomings in
data, which may or may not be found in Patterns 2003, is the question of the quality
of strategic analysis of the data provided. To what degree might such analysis be
enhanced? Some observers suggest the issue here is the degree to which Patterns is
designed to reflect, or might be construed to reflect, a “body count” reporting
mentality.14 Would there be benefits to Congress and the counterterrorism policy
community if the focus of Patterns reports was less on presenting statistics and facts,
and more on gaining meaning from the data? And if so, how might Congress effect
such a change in policy focus? Admittedly, overall numbers by themselves may not
always present a complete picture. For example, each small pipeline bombing in
Colombia is cited as one incident in Patterns as would be a major terrorist incident
as the multiple train bombings in Madrid in March 2004. Another possible
shortcoming, some note, is that Patterns sometimes may not include, or adequately


14 Note that this is part of a much broader policy debate, in which CRS takes no position,
regarding the place in U.S. anti-terror strategy of short-term measures designed to produce
physical security versus long-term strategic measures designed to win “hearts and minds.”
Arguably, some suggest the course of wisdom is a mix of policies designed to win “both the
battle and the war,” policies which require reporting, data, and analysis supportive of both
tactical and strategic objectives.

note, incidents that are not international in nature but which may have a major
political or economic impact on the target nation and well beyond it.
Indeed, Patterns 2003 has been subject to criticism on the issue of data
completeness or accuracy, as well as on the issue of data relevance.15 In a May 17,
2004 letter to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, Henry A. Waxman, Ranking
Minority Member of the House Committee on Government Reform, suggests that
data in Patterns 2003 which indicate that non-significant terrorist attacks have
declined in the last two years is in sharp contrast to independent analysis of the same
data which concludes that significant terrorist attacks (acts causing, or reasonably
expected to cause: death, serious personal injury or major property damage) actually
reached a 20-year high in 2003.16 Also questioned is completeness, if not factual
accuracy, of the data relied upon in the Patterns 2003 report. The list of significant
incidents in Patterns 2003, as originally disseminated, concludes abruptly on
November 11, 2003, presumably therefore, not counting major multiple terrorists
attacks that occurred later in the year.17
The statistical data which forms the basis for Patterns have traditionally been
provided to the State Department by the CIA. More recently this function has been
transferred to the newly operational Terrorist Threat Integration Center (TTIC).18
TTIC is providing an errata sheet to correct incomplete data.19
The final report of the 9/11 Commission, issued on June 22, 2004, recommends
the creation of a National Counterterrorism Center. Subsequently on August 2, 2004,
President Bush announced similar plans to establish such a center. The new center


15 See “Faulty Terror Report Card,” by Alan B. Krueger and David Laitin, Washington Post
guest editorial, May 17, 2002, p. A21.
16 See note 13, supra.
17 [http://www.house.gov/reform/min/pdfs_108_2/pdfs_inves/pdf_admin_global_terror_r
eport_ma y_17_let.pdf]
Note that conversations between a CRS analyst and State Department and TTIC staff in May
2004 produced suggestions that the end of year data omission may have been to some degree
the result of a desire to meet the publication deadline for the printed version of the report.
Note also that data and analysis provided CRS by Larry Johnson, a former Officer in the
State Department’s Office of Counter Terrorism and now Director of Berg Associates,
indicates that the ratio of significant terrorist incidents to total terrorist actions rose fairly
steadily from 10% in 1981 to 90% in 2003. See [http://www.berg-associates.com].
18 For information on TTIC, see CRS Report RS21283, Homeland Security: Intelligence
Support, by Richard Best. President Bush, in his State of the Union address delivered on
January 28, 2003, called for the establishment of a new Terrorist Threat Integration Center
(TTIC) that would merge and analyze all threat information in a single location under the
direction of the Director of Central Intelligence [DCI]. Included in TTIC are representatives
of the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center (CTC) and the FBI’s Counterterrorism Division, along
with elements of other agencies, including DOD and DHS. TTIC began operations on May

1, 2004.


19 Some observers suggest that TTIC’s omissions of data may well give rise to questions
about the overall ability and effectiveness of TTIC in assuming and performing newly
assigned tasks.

is envisioned as serving as a central knowledge bank for information about known
and suspected terrorists and would be charged with coordinating and monitoring
counterterrorism plans and activities of all government agencies, and preparing the
daily terrorism report for the President and senior officials.20 Presumably the
function of compiling the data for Patterns will be performed by the new National
Counterterrorism Center, if and when it is established.
Conclusion
In the wake of discrepancies contained in the Patterns 2003 as originally
released, the Chairmen of three House Committees (International Relations,
Judiciary, Government Reform) forwarded a letter to Secretary of State, Colin
Powell, dated July 15, 2004. The letter cites discussions between State Department
and other officials with committee staff and reiterates “that there will be a
comprehensive review of the definitions of terrorist acts as compared to (1) the
language in the statute; and (2) the current experiences with multinational terrorist
organizations that sponsor or otherwise promote terrorist acts perpetrated by ‘local’
terrorist organizations.” Moreover, it reaffirms an understanding that the executive
branch has assigned an appropriate level of staff to provide full time attention to the
contents of the report. The results of this executive branch internal review are
requested by October 1, 2004.
It has been some fifteen years since Congress mandated the first Patterns report.
At the time the report was originally conceived as a reference document, the primary
threat from terrorism was state sponsored. Since then, the threat has evolved, with
Al Qaeda affiliated groups and non-state sponsors increasingly posing a major threat.
Over the years, the report has increased in length and expanded in scope. It has been
disseminated on the internet, translated into five additional languages, and is widely
recognized as a primary resource on terrorist activities and groups. However, in
view of the earlier- noted data issues, the report may be subject to increased criticism
and scrutiny. In light of the high level of international attention attached to the report
and the increased complexity and danger posed by the terrorist threat, some observers
have suggested that a thorough Executive/Congressional review of Patterns, its
structure and content, may be timely and warranted.


20 [http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2004/08/print/20040802-2.html]

Patterns of Global Terrorism Data, 2002-2003
20022003% Change
Worldwide Overview
No. of attacks a205208+1.46
No. of deaths725625- 13.79
No. of injured2,0133,646+81.12
No. of anti-American acts b7760- 22.08
No. of American casualties c
Dead2735 +29.63
Wounded3729- 21.62
Attacks by Region
Africa660
Asia10180- 20.79
Eurasia82- 75.0
Latin America4620- 56.51
Middle East3567+91.43
North America000
Western Europe933+266.67
Casualties by Region
Africa 67 14 -79.10
Asia 1,283 1,427 +11.22
Eurasia d 6150-100
Latin America5479+46.30
Middle East1,0471,823+74.12
North America000
Western Europe6928e+15,366.67
Attacks by Target Category
Business 122 61 -50.00
Diplomat 14 15 +7.74
Gove rnme nt 17 16 -5.88
Military 1 3 +200.00
Other 83 106 +27.71
Note: Based on revised data published in Patterns 2003. Traditionally, this data had been provided
to the State Department by the Central Intelligence Agency. More recently this function has been
transferred to the newly operational Terrorist Threat Integration Center (TTIC). Periodic requests
from analysts at the Department of State and from analysts at the Congressional Research Service in
April 2004 for quarterly access to an unclassified version of the data base of terrorist incidents have,
to date, not resulted in access to the data desired.
a. Compared with 487 attacks in 1982.
b. In 2003 the highest percent of targets were businesses (40%); the most common method of attack
was bombing (67%).
c. Casualties include dead and wounded.
d. 2002 figures include relatively high casualties in a number of anti-Russian attacks, such as the
October 2002 Moscow theater attack.
e. Note that the reason for this dramatic increase is not apparent.