Afro-Latinos in Latin America and Considerations for U.S. Policy

^Pr^ep^ar^{ed f}^o^r^M^e^m^b^ers^an^d^Com^mⁱ^t^t^ees^of^C^ong^r^e^ss

The 110^th Congress maintained an interest in the situation of Afro-Latinos in Latin America,
particularly the plight of Afro-Colombians affected by the armed conflict in Colombia. In recent
years, people of African descent in the Spanish-and Portuguese-speaking nations of Latin
America—also known as “Afro-Latinos”—have been pushing for increased rights and
representation. Afro-Latinos comprise some 150 million of the region’s 540 million total
population, and, along with women and indigenous populations, are among the poorest, most
marginalized groups in the region. Afro-Latinos have formed groups that, with the help of
international organizations, are seeking political representation, human rights protection, land
rights, and greater social and economic opportunities. Improvement in the status of Afro-Latinos
could be difficult and contentious, however, depending on the circumstances of the Afro-
descendant populations in each country.
Assisting Afro-Latinos has never been a primary U.S. foreign policy objective, although a number
of U.S. aid programs benefit Afro-Latinos. While some foreign aid is specifically targeted
towards Afro-Latinos, most is distributed broadly through programs aimed at helping all
marginalized populations. Some Members support increasing U.S. assistance to Afro-Latinos,
while others resist, particularly given the limited amount of development assistance available for
Latin America.
There was legislative action on several bills in the 110^th Congress with provisions related to Afro-
Latinos. The Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2008 (H.R. 2764/P.L. 110-161) required the
State Department to certify that the Colombian military is not violating the land and property
rights of Afro-Colombians or the indigenous. It also prohibited the use of Andean Counterdrug
funds for investment in oil palm development if it causes displacement or environmental damage
(as it has in many Afro-Colombian communities). In the explanatory statement to the
Consolidated Appropriations Act, the conferees stipulated that up to $15 million in alternative
development assistance to Colombia may be provided to Afro-Colombian and indigenous
communities. On July 11, 2007, the House passed H.Res. 426 (McGovern), recognizing 2007 as
the year of the rights of internally displaced persons (including Afro-Colombians) in Colombia
and offering U.S. support to programs that assist and protect them. On September 9, 2008, the
House passed H.Res. 1254 (Engel), supporting the values and goals of the “Joint Action Plan
Between the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Government of the United
States of America to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic Discrimination and Promote Equality,” which
was signed by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Brazilian Minister of Racial Integration
Edson Santos in March 2008.
In addition, the 110^th Congress discussed the situation of Afro-Colombians during its ^th
consideration of the U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement. As in the past, the 111
Congress is likely to continue to consider legislative provisions relevant to the circumstances of
Afro-Latinos.

Introduc tion ..................................................................................................................................... 1
Panorama of Afro-Latinos in Latin America...................................................................................2
Identity, Definition, and Geographic Distribution.....................................................................2
Histor y ................................................................................................................................ 3
Current Status......................................................................................................................4
Brazil ................................................................................................................................... 4
Colombia ............................................................................................................................. 5
Ecuador ........................................................................................................................ ....... 5
Honduras ............................................................................................................................. 5
Nicaragua ............................................................................................................................ 6
Issues Affecting Afro-Latino Populations.......................................................................................6
Political and Legal Issues..........................................................................................................7
National Census..................................................................................................................7
Anti-Discrimination Legislation.........................................................................................7
Political Representation......................................................................................................8
Affirmative Action..............................................................................................................9
Human Rights..........................................................................................................................10
Land Titles...............................................................................................................................10
Health ......................................................................................................................... ............. 12
U.S. Policy Considerations............................................................................................................12
U.S. Foreign Assistance and Afro-Latinos..............................................................................13
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).....................................................13
U.S. Department of State..................................................................................................15
Inter-American Foundation (IAF).....................................................................................15
Peace Corps.......................................................................................................................15
National Endowment for Democracy (NED)....................................................................16
Multilateral Development Banks and Afro-Latinos................................................................16
World Bank.......................................................................................................................16
Inter-American Development Bank..................................................................................16
International Organizations, Conferences, and Afro-Latinos..................................................17
Organization of American States......................................................................................17
Inter-Agency Consultation on Race in Latin America (IAC)...........................................18
Impact of Durban and Regional Conferences...................................................................18
Prior Legislative Activity........................................................................................................18 ^th
Legislation in the 109 Congress......................................................................................19 ^th
Legislation in the 110 Congress............................................................................................19
Possible Options for Support for Afro-Latinos.......................................................................20
Author Contact Information..........................................................................................................21

Persons of African descent, commonly referred to as “Afro-Latinos,” along with women and
indigenous populations, are among the poorest and most marginalized groups in Latin America.
The term “Afro-Latinos,” as used within the international development community and the U.S.
government, generally refers to Afro-descendant populations in the Spanish-and Portuguese-
speaking nations of Latin America. Following common usage, this paper uses the terms “Afro-
descendant,” “Afro-Latino,” “Afro-Latin,” and “black” interchangeably. This paper does not
include a discussion of Haiti or English-speaking Caribbean nations that have governments
composed largely of Afro-descendants.
Within the past decade, Afro-Latinos have begun to employ different strategies to align national
movements with international organizations, including multilateral development banks to which ¹
the United States contributes, in order to improve their social status. Some countries—most
notably Brazil and Colombia—have enacted legal reforms and government programs to address
racial discrimination, land rights, and political and social exclusion. Improvement in the status of
Afro-Latinos could be difficult and internally contentious, however, depending on the size and
circumstances of the Afro-descendant populations in each country.
Some U.S. analysts and policymakers argue that the United States has a specific interest in
assisting Afro-descendant peoples in Latin America. They assert that assisting vulnerable peoples
fits into larger U.S. policy goals for the region: promoting democracy, encouraging economic
growth and poverty reduction, and protecting human rights. Those proponents disagree, however,
as to whether U.S. foreign aid should be specifically targeted towards Afro-Latinos (as it has been
in the case of some indigenous peoples), or whether it should continue to be distributed broadly
through programs aimed at helping all marginalized populations.
Other analysts question whether increasing assistance to Afro-Latinos is feasible at a time when
limited development assistance is being allocated to Latin America. They point out that the
country with the largest Afro-descendant population in the region, Brazil, is relatively developed
and does not receive large amounts of U.S. foreign aid. They question whether funds directed
towards Afro-Latinos will have to be taken from programs currently serving other needy groups.
Still others caution that because race is a sensitive issue for many countries in Latin America, the
United States should be cautious when pursuing policies that affect the issue.
This report reviews and analyzes the situation, concerns, and activities of Afro-descendants in the
Spanish-and Portuguese-speaking nations of Latin America. It then discusses current U.S. foreign
aid programs, as well as multilateral initiatives, that have directly or indirectly assisted Afro-
Latinos. The report concludes with a discussion of potential policy options that have been
proposed should the United States elect to provide further support for Afro-Latinos.

¹^F^o^{r a recen}^t^artⁱ^c^l^e^oⁿ^t^hⁱ^s^p^h^eⁿ^o^me^{non, s}^e^e^J^o^s^e^p^h^C^o^ntr^e^r^a^s^,^“^Rⁱ^s^e^of^the^L^a^{tin A}^f^rⁱ^c^aⁿ^s^,^”^Newsw^{eek In}^t^e^rn^a^tⁱ^oⁿ^a^l^,
^Juⁿ^e^9,²⁰⁰⁸^.

Race and ethnicity are complex issues in Latin America. Most of Latin America’s 540 million
residents descend from three major racial/ethnic groups: Indian or indigenous peoples, of whom
there are some 400 distinct groups; Europeans, largely of Spanish and Portuguese heritage; and ²
Africans, descendants of slaves brought to the region during the colonial era. Mestizo generally
refers to people of mixed European and indigenous lineage, while mulatto refers to people of
mixed African and European background. After centuries of racial mixing, there are numerous
racial variations in Latin America, and many people of mixed African, European, and indigenous
ancestry.
Since the colonial period, racial intermingling, also known as mestizaje, has been a source of
national pride for many countries in Latin America. Countries with large Afro-descendant
populations, especially Brazil, have, until recently, been heavily influenced by the notion of
“racial democracy.” Racial democracy attributes the different conditions under which blacks and
whites or mestizos live to class differences, not racial discrimination. Adherents of this theory,
which is also pervasive in Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela, argue that being black is a
transitory state that can be altered by “whitening” through miscegenation or wealth ³
accumulation. The racial democracy theory has been challenged by recent data revealing a strong ⁴
and persistent correlation between race and poverty in Latin America. In both Brazil and
Colombia, the countries with the largest Afro-Latino populations in South America, Afro-
descendants are (and have always been) among the poorest, least educated, lowest paid citizens.
Despite the complexities surrounding racial identity in Latin America, and the limited data
available on this topic, this section outlines the characteristics, history, and current status of Afro-
descendant people in Latin America.
Afro-descendants in Latin America have not been historically identified, as they have in the
United States, as any individual with traceable African ancestry. People in Latin America have
several different ways of classifying themselves. Lighter skinned mulattoes may identify
themselves as white, while some blacks may identify themselves as mulattoes or mestizos. These
classifications are influenced by class position, geographic location, societal associations of
blackness, the existence (or lack) of collective identities among people of color, and state policies.
There is a range of state policies towards race in Latin America, from tacitly condoning racism
against minority groups to promoting diversity. The Dominican Republic provides a striking
example of how racial identity has been formed by official notions of national identity. The
Dominican government mobilized a nationalist movement against an external threat (the mostly

²^P^e^ople^of^Euro^pe^aⁿ^de^sc^eⁿ^{t w}^ill^a^l^{so be}^re^f^e^rre^{d to a}^s^“^w^hite^s.”
³^Fo^{r a}^dⁱ^scu^ssioⁿ^o^f^{“racial d}^e^m^o^crac^y^”^an^d^th^e^dⁱ^f^f^e^r^eⁿ^{ces b}^e^t^w^eeⁿ^th^e^p^r^ev^ailin^g^coⁿ^cep^ti^oⁿ^s^o^f^{race in}^{Brazil an}^d
^t^h^{e Un}ⁱ^t^e^{d S}^t^at^es,^{see S}^h^ei^l^a^W^a^l^k^er,^“^A^f^rⁱ^canⁱ^t^y^vs.^Bl^ac^kn^ess:^Race,^Cl^{ass an}^d^Cu^l^t^u^r^{e i}ⁿ^Brazi^l^,^”^{NACLA Rep}^o^{rt o}ⁿ
^t^h^{e A}^m^eri^c^a^s^{, Ma}^y^/^J^une²⁰^02;^R^o^be^r^t^J^.^C^o^ttr^ol^{, “}^T^he^L^ong^Lⁱ^ng^e^rⁱⁿ^g^Sha^d^ow^,”^T^u^l^aⁿ^e^L^a^w^R^evi^ew^{, 20}^01.
⁴^Ha^ide^r^Riv^z^{i, “}^D^e^v^e^l^opm^eⁿ^{t: G}^l^oba^liz^a^tio^{n Driv}^ing^Ine^qua^lity^{—UN W}^a^rns,”^In^{ter Press S}^e^rvice^{, A}^u^g^u^s^t^26,²⁰^05;
^Ho^ffm^an^,^Kel^l^y^an^d^Mⁱ^gu^el^A^.^Cen^t^en^o^,^“T^h^e^L^o^p^sⁱ^d^ed^Con^tⁱⁿ^en^t^:^In^eq^u^a^lⁱ^t^yⁱⁿ^L^a^tⁱⁿ^Ameri^ca,^”^Annua^{l Re}^vⁱ^e^w^of
^Soc^io^lo^gy^,²⁰⁰³^.

black republic of Haiti). Although the vast majority of the population has African ancestry,
Dominicans, in order to distinguish themselves from their poorer Haitian neighbors, tend to
define themselves as mestizos descended from Indians and Europeans, and not as Afro-⁵
Dominicans. A 2005 study on racial attitudes in the Dominican Republic finds that 83% of ⁶
Dominicans believe their society is racist against blacks.
For the purposes of this report, blacks and mulattoes are grouped together to yield the estimated ⁷
number of Afro-descendants in Latin America. Of the 540 million people living in Latin ⁸
America, some 150 million were of African descent as of 1997, the latest data available. Afro-
Latinos tend to reside in coastal areas, although in many countries they have migrated to large
cities in search of employment. Afro-Latinos constitute a majority of the population in Cuba and
the Dominican Republic. In Brazil, Colombia, Panama, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Nicaragua, they
form a significant minority. In terms of absolute numbers, Brazil has the largest Afro-descendant
population outside of Africa. In 2000, 45% of Brazilians identified themselves as black or ⁹
mulatto, as compared to 13% of U.S. citizens who identified themselves as African-American.
The vast majority of Afro-Latinos descend from the millions of slaves brought by European
traders from the West African coast who survived the Middle Passage to the Americas. Some
historians have stated that the first slaves in the hemisphere arrived in Virginia in 1619, and that
the majority of African slaves ended up in the southern United States. However, historians now
maintain that the first slaves arrived in Hispaniola, an island now divided between Haiti and the ^th
Dominican Republic, in the early 16 century. Some 12 million or so Africans arrived in the ¹⁰
Americas over the 400-year history of the slave trade. Some scholars estimate that more than ¹¹

50% of those African slaves ended up in Brazil, while only 5% went to the United States.

Although many Africans perished due to harsh working conditions and disease, new slaves from
West Africa continued to replace them until abolition. Slavery was abolished in most Latin
American countries at or soon after their independence from Spain in the1820s, but continued in
Brazil until1888.

⁵^”Behⁱⁿ^{d Cl}^o^s^ed^D^o^o^r^s:^T^h^{e Do}^miⁿⁱ^can^Repu^b^lⁱ^c^{’s C}^o^l^o^r^Co^m^p^l^e^x,^”^{NPR: Te}^{ll me}^M^o^re^{, J}^u^ly^{16, 2}⁰⁰⁷^.
⁶^“^R^a^cⁱ^sm^R^a^m^p^aⁿ^{t in the}^D^o^mⁱ^nic^aⁿ^R^e^publ^ic^{, St}^udy^Finds^,”^{EFE Ne}^ws^Se^rv^ic^e^{, May}^{3, 20}⁰⁵^.
⁷^E^s^tⁱ^m^at^es^var^y^a^s^t^o^t^h^{e act}^u^a^lⁿ^u^m^b^{er o}^f^Af^ro^-d^escen^d^aⁿ^t^{s i}ⁿ^{each o}^f^t^h^{e co}^un^t^rⁱ^e^{s i}ⁿ^qu^estⁱ^oⁿ^.^F^o^r^exa^m^p^l^e,^t^h^{e CIA}
^W^o^rl^d^F^act^Boo^k^estⁱ^m^at^e^s^t^h^at^whⁱ^l^e³⁸^{% o}^f^Brazi^l^’^{s p}^o^p^u^l^atⁱ^o^{n i}^s^“mⁱ^x^ed^w^hⁱ^t^e^an^d^b^l^ack,^”^oⁿ^l^y⁶^%ⁱ^s^b^l^ack.^S^o^m^e
^argu^{e t}^h^at^raci^al^dⁱ^scri^mⁱⁿ^a^tⁱ^oⁿ^aⁿ^d^s^o^ci^al^excl^u^sⁱ^oⁿ^af^f^e^ct^b^l^{acks i}ⁿ^Brazi^l^f^a^r^m^o^{re t}^h^an^t^h^ey^a^f^f^e^ct^t^h^{e co}^un^t^r^y^’^s
^la^rg^e^r^m^u^la^tto^po^pu^la^tio^n.
⁸^Es^tim^a^t^e^s^v^a^r^y^as^{to the}^a^c^t^ua^l^nu^m^b^e^r^of^A^f^r^o^-^d^e^s^c^e^nda^nts^{in L}^a^{tin A}^m^e^r^ic^a^.^Iⁿ^or^de^r^to^a^r^rⁱ^v^e^a^t^th^e^fⁱ^g^u^r^e^of¹⁵⁰
^m^{illion, bla}^c^k^{s a}^nd^m^u^la^ttoe^s⁽^p^e^ople^of^mⁱ^x^e^d^A^f^rⁱ^c^aⁿ^a^{nd Eu}^r^o^p^e^aⁿ^ba^c^k^g^r^ound)^ha^v^e^be^eⁿ^g^r^ou^p^e^{d tog}^e^the^r^{. Se}^e
^“T^h^e^Regi^oⁿ^:^Race:^L^a^tⁱⁿ^Am^eri^c^{a’s In}^vi^si^b^l^{e Ch}^al^l^eⁿ^g^e,^{” W}^a^shⁱ^ngt^oⁿ^,^DC:^Iⁿ^t^e^r-Am^e^ri^can^De^vel^o^p^m^en^t^Ban^k
⁽^I^D^B⁾^{, J}^a^nua^r^y¹⁹⁹⁷^.
⁹^{For Bra}^z^iliaⁿ^c^eⁿ^{sus f}ⁱ^g^u^re^{s, se}^e^Ins^titut^o^Bra^s^ile^iro^de^G^e^og^ra^fⁱ^a^e^Esta^tístic^a^,^Ce^{nso De}^m^o^g^r^á^f^ic^o^—²⁰⁰^{0, a}^t
^http:^//www^.ibg^e^.^g^o^v^.^br.
¹⁰^J^ohaⁿⁿ^e^s^P^o^s^t^m^a^{, T}^h^e^A^tla^ntic^Sla^v^e^T^r^a^d^e^.⁽^L^ondo^{n: G}^r^e^eⁿ^w^{ood P}^r^e^s^s^,²⁰⁰³⁾^.
¹¹^Ho^w^a^rd^Do^d^s^on^,^“T^h^e^T^r^an^sat^l^aⁿ^tⁱ^c^S^l^{ave T}^r^ad^{e an}^d^t^h^e^M^a^kiⁿ^g^o^f^t^h^{e M}^o^d^e^rn^W^o^rl^d^,^{” i}ⁿ^Afric^aⁿ^Roo^t^s/Afric^aⁿ
^Culture^{s: Afric}^aⁱⁿ^the^Cre^a^ti^on^o^f^the^Ame^r^ic^as^,^She^ila^W^a^lk^e^r^{, e}^d^{. (Ma}^r^y^l^a^{nd: Rowm}^aⁿ^a^{nd L}^ittle^fⁱ^e^l^d^P^u^blis^he^rs,
²⁰⁰^{1); Hi}^lla^ry^Ma^y^e^{ll, “}^R^e^-^Ex^a^m^ining^U.S^.^Sla^v^e^s^{’ Role}ⁱⁿ^T^h^eⁱ^r^Em^aⁿ^cⁱ^pa^tion,”^N^a^ti^on^{al G}^e^o^g^r^a^phic^N^e^w^s^,
^D^e^c^e^m^b^e^r^{6, 20}^02.

As slavery and lingering racism have left an indelible mark on Afro-Latinos, so too has the long
but little-known legacy of black rebellion and self-liberation (marronage). The first slave ^th
rebellions occurred in Puerto Rico (1514) and Hispaniola (1522). By the 17 century, maroons
(escaped slaves) in Latin America have been estimated to have numbered between 11,000 and ¹²
30,000. Maroons formed communities with sovereign territoriality in remote terrains with low
population densities that now constitute the prominent Afro-Latino areas of eastern and northern ¹³
South America, Central America, and the Caribbean. According to the Brazilian Ministry of
Culture, there are at least 1,098 quilombola (escaped slaves) communities in Brazil today. Afro-
descendant communities in Honduras and Nicaragua are generally rural communities descended ^th^th
from escaped slaves who immigrated to Central America from the Caribbean in the 17 and 18
centuries. Many of those communities, particularly the Garifuna in Honduras, have developed
distinct racial, cultural, and political identities based on communal land ties in areas that are
geographically isolated from the rest of their country’s populations.
Although some countries with large Afro-Latino populations, such as Brazil and Colombia,
disaggregate socioeconomic data by race, most countries do not, making it extremely difficult to
find good quantitative data on Afro-Latinos. Despite these data limitations, household surveys
and anecdotal evidence from across the region point to a correlation between African descent and
political, economic, and social marginalization. Disparities between Afro-Latinos and the general
population in Latin America have persisted despite rising income and growth levels throughout ¹⁴
the region. Statistics from Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador Honduras, and Nicaragua generally ¹⁵
support that finding.
Afro-Latinos represent 45% of the population of Brazil but constitute 64% of the poor and 69%
of the extremely poor. With respect to education, 18% of Afro-Brazilians have completed
secondary school as compared to 38% of those who self-identify as white. Afro-Brazilians have,
on average, roughly five years of schooling, whereas whites have completed nine years of school.
They earn, on average, some 44% less than non-blacks. Some 41% of Afro-Brazilians live in
houses without adequate sanitation and 21% lack running water, versus 18% and 7% of white
households. The maternal mortality rate of Afro-Brazilian women is three times that of their
white counterparts. Afro-Brazilians have lower life expectancies than whites (66 years as
compared to 71.5 years) and nearly twice the homicide rate of whites. One study found that ¹⁶
violence is becoming the leading cause of death for Afro-Brazilian men.

¹²^Ibid^{., Ma}^y^e^ll.
¹³^{For a}^c^o^m^p^re^he^nsiv^e^hist^ory^of^t^h^e^Af^ric^aⁿ^dia^s^poraⁱⁿ^the^A^m^e^rⁱ^c^a^s^{, se}^e^Norm^aⁿ^{E. W}^h^itte^{n a}ⁿ^{d A}^r^le^ne^T^o^rre^s,
^e^d^s^.,^B^l^a^ckn^{ess i}ⁿ^L^a^tⁱⁿ^A^m^eri^c^a^aⁿ^d^t^h^{e C}^a^ri^bb^eaⁿ^(Blo^om^ing^t^on,^{IN: In}^diaⁿ^a^Univ^e^r^sity^P^r^e^{ss, 1}⁹^98).^For^a^m^o^re
^recen^t^hⁱ^st^o^r^y^o^f^Af^ro^-^L^atⁱⁿ^o^s^,^{see Geo}^r^{ge Rei}^d^Aⁿ^d^r^e^w^s,^Afr^o^-^L^at^{in Am}^e^r^ic^a,¹⁸^00-²⁰⁰⁰^(New^Yo^rk^{: Ox}^f^o^rd
^Un^iversit^y^P^r^ess,²⁰⁰⁴^).
¹⁴^J^ona^s^Z^oni^ns^eⁱ^{n, “}^T^he^Ec^o^nom^ic^C^a^s^e^f^o^r^C^o^m^b^a^ting^R^a^cⁱ^a^l^a^{nd Ethnic}^Ex^c^l^us^ionⁱⁿ^L^a^{tin A}^m^e^r^icaⁿ^a^{nd C}^a^rⁱ^bbe^aⁿ
^C^oun^tr^ie^s^,^”^W^a^s^h^ing^t^on,^D^C^{: I}^D^B^,²⁰⁰¹^.
¹⁵^T^h^e^s^e^c^ountrⁱ^e^s^w^e^r^e^s^e^lec^t^e^d^b^ecau^{se t}^h^{ere i}^s^so^m^e^d^a^t^a^av^ai^l^a^b^l^{e o}ⁿ^t^h^{e so}^ci^o^eco^no^mⁱ^{c c}^onditi^ons^of^theⁱ^r^A^f^r^o^-
^de^s^c^e^nda^{nt po}^pula^tⁱ^ons^.
¹⁶^Ric^a^r^{d He}^nriq^ue^{s, “}^D^e^s^ig^ua^lda^d^e^ra^cⁱ^a^l^{no Bra}^s^il,”^Bra^s^ilia^{: I}ⁿ^stit^uto^de^P^e^sq^uisa^Ec^on^ôm^ic^a^A^p^lic^a^d^a^(IPEA^),
²⁰⁰¹^;^“Bl^{acks Cel}^e^b^r^at^e,^b^u^t^S^tⁱ^l^l^S^u^f^f^e^{r i}ⁿ^Brazi^l^,^”^Lati^nne^{ws Dail}^y^{, N}^o^v^e^m^b^e^r^21,²⁰⁰⁷^{; U}ⁿ^ite^{d N}^a^tions
⁽^c^onti^nue^d.^..)

Colombia has the second largest Afro-descendant population in Latin America after Brazil. While
most analysts assert that Afro-Colombians constitute between 19% and 26% of the Colombian
population, only 11% of the population self-identified as Afro-Colombian in the country’s 2005
national census. Most Afro-Colombians reside in rural areas on the country’s Pacific Coast, but
many have also fled to poor neighborhoods in the country’s large cities as a result of the country’s
ongoing armed conflict. Some 80% of Afro-Colombians live in conditions of extreme poverty,
and 74% of Afro-Colombians earn less than the minimum wage. Chocó, the department with the
highest percentage of Afro-Colombians, has the lowest per-capita level of government investment
in health, education, and infrastructure. Some 30% of the Afro-Colombian population is illiterate,
with illiteracy in some rural black communities exceeding 40%. The Colombian health care
system covers only 10% of black communities, versus 40% of white communities. Despite their
marginalized position in Colombian society, Afro-Colombians reside on some of the country’s ¹⁷
most biodiverse, resource-rich lands.
Afro-Latinos represent between 5% and 10% of the Ecuadorian population. Some 69% of Afro-
Latinos in Ecuador reside in urban areas, primarily in the coastal regions of Guayas and
Esmeraldas. Afro-Ecuadorians generally live in slightly better conditions than the indigenous
population, but both groups post poverty rates significantly above the country’s average (90% and
74% respectively as compared to 62%). This poverty is perpetuated by a lack of access to health
care, sanitation, education, and well paying jobs. For example, Esmeraldas, a region whose
population is 80% Afro-Ecuadorian, has infant mortality rates double the national average. At a
national level, only 15% of Afro-Ecuadorians aged 18 and over have completed secondary school
as compared to 23% of the general population. As a result, although Afro-Ecuadorians have a ¹⁸
high labor participation rate, the vast majority are employed in low-wage jobs.
Afro-Latinos represent roughly 2% of the population of Honduras. The Afro-Honduran
population is primarily composed of Garifuna and Afro-Antilleans. Some 80% of Garifuna reside
in rural communities along Honduras’ northern Atlantic coast, while 85% of the Afro-Antilleans
reside in the Bay Islands. The 2001 Honduran census reports that these regions, though poor, have
lower poverty levels than the rest of Honduras’ departments. According to the national census,
some 55% of Garifuna households and 63% of Afro-Antilleans report having their basic needs
met. In addition, while the national illiteracy rate is estimated at 20%, the illiteracy rate for ¹⁹
Garifuna is 9% and for Afro-Antilleans is 4%. The Garifuna are a high-risk group for

^(...c^on^tin^ue^d)
^D^e^v^e^lopm^eⁿ^{t P}^r^og^r^a^m^,^Hu^maⁿ^D^evel^o^p^m^en^t^R^e^po^rt^{: B}^r^a^zⁱ^l^,²⁰⁰⁵^.
¹⁷^U^.^{S. D}^e^pa^r^t^m^e^{nt of}^Sta^t^e^,^C^o^lo^m^bⁱ^a^:^C^o^un^t^r^{y R}^e^po^rt^on^Hu^m^a^{n Ri}^g^h^t^s^P^r^a^c^tⁱ^ces,²⁰⁰⁶^,^M^a^r^c^{h 20}⁰⁷^;^“M^{ás A}^l^l^á^d^e
^los^P^r^om^e^d^ios^,^A^f^r^ode^s^c^e^ndieⁿ^te^s^eⁿ^A^m^é^r^ic^a^L^a^tina^:^L^o^s^A^f^r^o^c^o^lo^m^b^ia^nos^,”^W^o^r^l^{d B}^a^nk^{, Fe}^br^ua^r^y²⁰⁰^6;^Mila^m
^{Fitts, “}^T^he^Mu^nd^{o A}^f^{ro P}^r^o^j^e^c^t^,”^Inte^r-Am^e^ric^a^{n Fou}^nda^ti^on^{, Se}^pt^e^m^be^{r 200}^1.
¹⁸^Ju^an^P^oⁿ^ce,^“M^{ás A}^l^l^á^d^e^l^o^s^P^r^o^m^edⁱ^o^s,^Af^ro^d^e^scen^dⁱ^en^t^e^{s en}^A^m^éri^ca^L^a^tⁱⁿ^a:^L^o^{s Af}^ro^ecu^at^o^rⁱ^aⁿ^o^s^,^”^W^o^rl^d
^B^a^nk^{, Fe}^br^ua^r^y²⁰⁰^6.
¹⁹^M^a^ry^Lⁱ^sb^et^h^G^oⁿ^zál^ez,^“M^ás^A^l^l^á^d^e^l^o^s^P^r^o^m^edⁱ^o^s,^A^f^ro^d^e^scen^dⁱ^en^t^e^{s en}^Am^éri^ca^L^a^tⁱⁿ^a:^L^o^s^Afro^ho^nd^u^r^eño^s^,^”
^W^o^r^l^{d B}^a^nk^{, Fe}^br^ua^r^y²⁰⁰⁶^.

HIV/AIDS, with over 8% of the population infected (as compared to the national prevalence rate ²⁰
of 1.8%).
Afro-descendants constitute roughly 9% of the Nicaraguan population. Nicaragua is the second
poorest country (behind Haiti) in the Western Hemisphere. Although Afro-Nicaraguans do not
reside in the poorest regions of the country, their communities are located in some its most
isolated coastal regions. Most Afro-descendants reside in the Caribbean lowlands of Nicaragua, a
region that was never part of the Spanish empire but rather a de facto British protectorate from ^th^th
the 17 through the late 19 centuries. As recently as 1993, there were no paved roads connecting
lowland Caribbean communities to Nicaragua’s Pacific region. The World Bank has recently
reported that although an average of 60% of Nicaraguan households have access to potable water
and 49% have electricity, comparable figures for the Atlantic coast are 21% and 17% ²¹
respectively.

This section provides a brief overview of some of the major issues affecting Afro-descendant
communities in Latin America. These issues include legal protection, political representation,
land rights, human rights, and access to quality healthcare. When applicable, the section
compares and contrasts the situation of Afro-descendants to that of indigenous peoples.
Indigenous peoples are, generally, descendants of the Amerindian ethnic groups that lived in the
hemisphere prior to the European conquest who retain distinct communal, cultural, linguistic, or
geographic identification with that heritage.
Indigenous peoples have, perhaps as a result of their distinct heritage and shared history,
generally exhibited a stronger sense of group identity and a higher level of political mobilization
than Afro-descendants. For example, while the First Inter-American Indian Congress was held in
Mexico in 1940, the first large-scale hemispheric meeting of Afro-descendant leaders was held in
1977, and the first meeting of Afro-Latino legislators was held in Brazil in 2003. Some have
argued that Afro-descendant communities that have been able to prove their “indigenous-like”
status have achieved more rights and recognition from their governments than other blacks in the ²²
region. Others assert that it has been easier for the indigenous to achieve collective rights than
Afro-descendants as political elites in Latin America have tended to award those rights on the
basis “of a perceived possession of a distinct cultural group identity, not a history of political ²³
exclusion or racial discrimination.”

²⁰^M^a^ry^Lⁱ^sb^et^h^G^oⁿ^zál^ez,^“M^ás^A^l^l^á^d^e^l^o^s^P^r^o^m^edⁱ^o^s,^A^f^ro^d^e^scen^dⁱ^en^t^e^{s en}^Am^éri^ca^L^a^tⁱⁿ^a:^L^o^s^Afro^ho^nd^u^r^eño^s^,^”
^W^o^r^l^{d B}^a^nk^{, Fe}^br^ua^r^y^2006;^U^N^A^I^D^S,^{AIDS Epi}^d^e^m^ic^M^onit^o^r^,^D^e^c^e^m^b^e^r^2004,^p.⁵⁹^{; U}^.^S^.^D^e^pa^r^t^m^e^{nt of}^Sta^t^e^,
^H^ond^ur^as^:^C^o^uⁿ^tr^y^Re^por^ts^oⁿ^H^u^m^aⁿ^Rig^h^ts^Pr^ac^tic^e^s^{, 20}⁰⁵^{, Ma}^r^c^{h 20}⁰⁶^.
²¹^Tⁱ^m^Me^{rrill, e}^d^.,^Nⁱ^c^a^r^a^gu^a:^{A C}^oun^tr^y^St^udy^{, W}^a^s^h^ing^t^oⁿ^{, D}^C^:^F^e^de^r^a^{l R}^e^s^e^a^r^c^h^Dⁱ^vⁱ^sⁱ^{on, L}ⁱ^br^a^r^y^of^C^ong^r^e^s^s^,
¹⁹⁹^4;^Stu^bbs^a^{nd A}^o^kⁱ^{, 2}⁰⁰⁵^.
²²^Ev^a^T^.^T^hor^ne^,^{NACLA Re}^p^o^rt^on^the^Ame^r^ic^as^{, N}^e^w^Y^o^r^k^{: Se}^pte^m^be^r^/^O^c^tobe^r²⁰⁰^4,^V^o^l.^35,^I^s^s^u^e^2.
²³^Ju^{liet Ho}^o^k^{er, “In}^dⁱ^g^eⁿ^o^u^s^Iⁿ^clu^s^ioⁿ^/^Black^Ex^clu^s^ioⁿ^:^{Race, Eth}ⁿⁱ^city^{, an}^d^M^u^ltic^u^ltu^ral^Citizen^shⁱ^pⁱⁿ^L^a^tin
^Ameri^ca,^”^J^our^{nal o}^f^L^a^tin^Am^e^r^ic^{an S}^t^u^d^ie^s^{, Ma}^y^{1, 2}⁰⁰⁵^.

Despite those limitations, Afro-descendant leaders in Latin America have used international
forums, multilateral donors, and diplomatic channels to garner support for increased rights and
representation for their communities. Since 1990, these efforts have resulted in significant
improvements in the formal rights accorded to their communities in a relatively short period of
time. They have also been relatively successful in garnering international support for their
movement, including support from some Administration officials and Members of Congress.
Afro-Latino mobilization efforts have been less successful in galvanizing grassroots support for
race-based public policies or in “ensuring that public policies are implemented or that laws are ²⁴
followed once they are created.”
The most salient challenges for the Afro-descendant movement in Latin America include
increasing public awareness and group identification among Afro-Latinos while also ensuring that
formal rights granted by governments result in meaningful improvements in the standards of
living of their communities.
A government may define race and delimit a country’s concept of “otherness” by the categories it
chooses to include in its national census. In a 1991 census, Brazilians used 100 different words to ²⁵
define their racial categories. In the early 1990s, some analysts criticized the Brazilian
government’s historic tendency not to encourage citizens to define their racial identity in strict
categories. They argued that ambiguous census categories inhibited the formation of advocacy ²⁶
groups and political movements to improve the status of Afro-Brazilians. In 1995, Fernando
Henrique Cardoso assumed the presidency in Brazil and, under his leadership, the Brazilian
government began to use fewer racial categories in the country’s national census. The government
sought to collect official statistics on Afro-Brazilians in order to assess whether specific public
policies were needed to improve their socioeconomic status. Some observers have attributed
Brazil’s subsequent adoption of some affirmative action policies as a positive byproduct of this
census reform.
In 2000, encouraged by the Brazilian example, the World Bank sponsored the first of two
conferences on census reform for officials from national statistics bureaus across the region. As a
result of these conferences, and ongoing census reform, all countries in Latin America now
include some sort of racial indicator in their national censuses. Many countries are also including
“racial modules” in household surveys, which will enable them to track the socioeconomic status
of Afro-descendants as compared to the general population.
No Latin American country has ever enacted the type of strict racially based discriminatory laws
that were once common in the United States. A paradoxical result of that distinction is that the

²⁴^T^hor^ne^,²⁰^01.
²⁵^R^.^R^e^ic^hm^a^nn,^Rac^eⁱⁿ^Co^nte^m^p^o^rary^Brazil:^{from I}^ndif^f^e^r^eⁿ^c^e^to^Ine^q^u^a^lity^(U^niv^e^rsity^P^a^rk^{: P}^eⁿⁿ^sy^l^v^aⁿ^ia^Sta^t^e
^Un^iversit^y^P^r^ess,¹⁹⁹⁹^).
²⁶ ^H^t^{un, 20}⁰⁴^.

law has, thus far, proved to be a more successful tool for dismantling racism in the United States ²⁷
than it has in Latin America.
According to the Inter-American Dialogue, a great deal of variation exists among Latin American ²⁸
countries with respect to anti-discrimination legislation targeted at Afro-descendants. As of
October 2006, only Brazil, Colombia, and Ecuador had constitutional bans on racial
discrimination that are specific to Afro-descendants. In several other countries—Nicaragua,
Honduras, and Peru—Afro-descendants, though not specifically identified by a constitutional
provision, have been given the same sort of legal protection and collective rights as indigenous ²⁹
peoples. The Dominican Republic stands out as the only country in Latin America with a large
Afro-Latino population that has neither constitutional provisions nor major laws to prevent racial
discrimination.
Afro-Latinos are under-represented politically in many Latin American nations. In 2007, Brazil, a
country with 45% of its population claiming some African ancestry, 17 congressmen of a total of

594 self-identified as Afro-Brazilian. In Ecuador, the population is between 5 and 10% Afro-³⁰

Latino, but in 2006 there was only one Afro-Ecuadorian serving in the 100-member Congress.
Representation has increased in some countries, however. In November 2005, for the first time in ³¹
the country’s history, Hondurans elected 3 Garifuna to serve in the country’s legislature. There
are now Afro-descendant leaders serving as ministers in several countries throughout the region
including Brazil, Ecuador, and Colombia.
Some policy-makers in Latin America believe countries should employ quotas in order to ensure
that Afro-descendants (as well as indigenous peoples) are represented on party tickets and in
legislative bodies. Quotas, though controversial, have been used across the region to increase
female political representation. In 1991, Argentina enacted a law requiring parties to present at
least 30% female candidates in their party lists. By 1997, women’s representation in the Argentine
Congress had risen to 28%, one of the highest rates in the world. Since the Beijing Conference on
Women in 1995, at least eight other Latin American countries have passed laws requiring political
parties to reserve 20%-40% of candidacies for women.
In 1993, Colombia passed a law that set aside two seats in Colombia’s House of Representatives
for persons of African descent. That law was declared unconstitutional in 1996, and several years
passed during which few Afro-Colombians were elected to serve in either the Senate or the House
of Representatives. Colombia now has two Afro-Colombian senators and seven Afro-Colombian
members of its House of Representatives. On October 26, 2006, the Colombian Black Caucus
was officially launched, at which time it presented its priorities, which include legislative
proposals that would condemn racism, enforce land titles for Afro-Colombian communities, and

²⁷^C^o^ttr^ol,²⁰^01.
²⁸^{For a}^de^ta^ile^d^disc^ussioⁿ^oⁿ^c^o^ns^tituti^ona^l^prov^isi^{ons a}ⁿ^d^le^g^a^{l a}^c^{tions re}^la^te^{d t}^o^A^f^ro^-La^{tinos, se}^e^Iⁿ^te^r-Am^e^ric^aⁿ
^Di^al^o^g^u^e^,^{“Race Rep}^o^r^t^,^{” A}^u^gu^st²⁰⁰⁴^.
²⁹^J^u^lie^{t H}^o^ok^e^r^a^{nd E}^d^m^{und T}^.^G^o^r^d^oⁿ^{, “}^T^he^Sta^t^us^of^B^l^a^c^k^L^a^{nd R}ⁱ^g^h^ts^{in C}^eⁿ^t^r^a^{l A}^m^e^r^ic^a^,^”^pa^pe^r^pr^e^s^eⁿ^te^{d a}^t^t^h^e
²⁰⁰⁴^L^a^tⁱⁿ^A^m^eri^can^S^t^u^dⁱ^{es A}^sso^ci^atⁱ^o^{n (L}^A^S^A⁾^Coⁿ^f^er^en^ce,^Oct^o^b^e^{r 20}⁰⁴^.
³⁰^Fⁱ^gu^{res f}^o^{r Brazi}^l^{are d}^r^awⁿ^f^r^o^m^t^h^{e U.}^S^.^Dep^a^rt^m^eⁿ^t^o^f^S^t^at^e’s^C^oun^tr^y^Re^por^ts^on^H^u^m^a^{n Ri}^ght^s^c^o^v^e^rⁱ^ng²⁰⁰^7,
^w^h^ile^fⁱ^g^u^r^e^s^f^o^r^Ec^ua^dor^c^o^m^e^f^r^om^the^C^oun^tr^y^Re^por^ts^on^H^u^m^a^{n Ri}^ghts^c^o^v^e^rⁱ^ng²⁰^06.
³¹^U^.^{S. D}^e^pa^r^t^m^e^{nt of}^Sta^t^e^,^Ho^nd^ura^s^:^C^o^un^t^r^{y R}^e^po^rt^on^Hu^m^a^{n Ri}^g^h^t^{s, 20}⁰⁶^,^M^a^r^c^{h 20}⁰⁷^.

establish quotas for the representation of indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians in public
entities. The Colombian Black Caucus has recently begun receiving technical assistance from the ³²
International Republican Institute. Similar groups are being initiated in the legislatures of
Honduras, Panama, and Venezuela.
Another way to address the issue of race and political representation has been the creation of new
institutions to promote racial equity and affirmative action. In 2003, Brazil established a Special
Secretariat with a ministerial rank to manage Racial Equity Promotion Policies. The mission of
the Special Secretariat is to develop initiatives to reduce racial inequalities by developing
affirmative action programs, coordinating with other Ministers and government entities, and
cooperating with the private sector and international institutions. Despite the Special Secretariat’s
efforts to address racial discrimination in Brazil, some grassroots Brazilian groups maintain that
its Afro-Brazilian leaders have been coopted by the government and assert that the Special
Secretariat is under-funded and under-performing. The head of the Special Secretariat resigned in ³³
January 2008 amidst allegations that she misused her government credit card. Other countries
that have similar government entities in place include Ecuador, Honduras and Peru.
In 2001, Brazil became the first Latin American country to endorse quotas in order to increase
minority representation in government service. Although Brazil’s public universities are free,
most Afro-Brazilians, the majority of whom attend public high schools, have been unable to pass
the admissions test required to attend those universities. In 2000, black students comprised only ³⁴
2% of Brazil’s 3 million college students. Since 2002, over 40 universities throughout Brazil
have enacted quotas setting aside admission slots for black students. In 2004, the first university
in Latin America established to serve black students opened in Sâo Paulo, Brazil.
The use of quotas in university admissions and government hiring programs has opened up a
vigorous debate on affirmative action in Brazil that may spread to other countries in Latin
America. Although most Brazilians favor government programs to combat social exclusion and
inequality, they disagree as to whether the beneficiaries of those programs should be selected on ³⁵
the basis of race or income. Several court cases in Brazil have challenged the fairness of using
racial quotas for university admissions. Some observers have stated that state governments
throughout Brazil have not budgeted the funds necessary to provide financial assistance and ³⁶
supplementary services for minority students admitted under the quota program. Critics of
affirmative action programs fear that they will artificially divide Brazilian society along
“‘pseudo-racial’ lines and foster the kind of overt racial tension with which Brazil is not ³⁷
familiar.”

³²^Ke^vⁱ^{n Bog}^a^{rdus a}ⁿ^{d Ia}ⁿ^Sw^aⁿ^{son, “}^C^o^u^rtiⁿ^g^the^Bla^c^k^Ca^uc^{us in}^Colom^b^ia^,”^T^h^e^H^ill.c^o^m^,^poste^d^{on J}^une^24,²⁰⁰⁸^.
³³^Ma^rc^{o Si}^ba^ja^{, “}^B^ra^z^ilia^{n Ra}^cⁱ^a^l^Equa^lity^Chie^f^Re^sigⁿ^s^Am^{id Cla}ⁱ^m^s^o^f^Misuse^{d Cre}^d^{it Ca}^r^d^,”^A^s^s^o^ci^a^t^ed^P^r^ess^,
^Fe^br^ua^r^y^{1, 20}⁰⁸^.
³⁴^M^a^ri^oⁿ^L^l^o^y^d^,^“In^Brazi^l^,^{a Di}^f^f^e^r^en^t^A^p^p^r^o^ach^t^o^A^f^fⁱ^r^m^atⁱ^v^e^A^c^tⁱ^oⁿ^,^”^C^h^r^o^nic^l^e^of^Hⁱ^g^h^e^r^Educ^at^ion^,^O^c^tobe^r²⁹^,
²⁰⁰^4.
³⁵^Lⁱ^vi^o^S^aⁿ^s^oⁿ^e^,^“Aⁿ^tⁱ^-^Raci^smⁱⁿ^Brazi^l^,^”^{NACLA Rep}^o^{rt o}ⁿ^t^h^{e A}^m^erica^s^{, Se}^pte^m^be^r^{1, 2}⁰⁰⁴^.
³⁶^J^ona^s^Z^oni^ns^eⁱ^{n, “}^A^f^f^ir^m^a^tiv^e^A^c^{tion a}ⁿ^{d D}^e^v^e^lopm^eⁿ^{t in B}^r^a^z^il,^”^pa^pe^r^pr^e^s^eⁿ^te^d^a^t^the²⁰^{04 L}^a^ti^{n A}^m^e^r^ic^aⁿ
^Stud^ie^s^A^s^s^o^cⁱ^a^{tion (}^L^A^S^A⁾^C^onf^e^r^eⁿ^c^e^,^O^c^tobe^r²⁰⁰⁴^.
³⁷^“^B^ra^z^{il Se}^pa^ra^te^{s Into a}^W^o^rl^{d o}^f^Bla^c^k^a^{nd W}^h^ite^,”^L^o^{s A}ⁿ^g^e^les^Tⁱ^mes^{, Se}^pte^m^be^r^{3, 2}⁰⁰⁶^.

For the past several years, both the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the
multilateral development banks have shared the goal of increasing human rights protection and
access to the justice system for minority groups in Latin America, but progress has been slow in
both these areas. The State Department Human Rights Report for Brazil covering 2007 finds that
“darker-skinned citizens, particularly Afro-Brazilians, frequently encountered discrimination.”
Afro-Ecuadorians reportedly face both official discrimination and negative stereotyping and are ³⁸
stopped by police for document checks more frequently than other citizens. A 2004 report on
people of African descent and the judicial systems of Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and the Dominican
Republic finds weak enforcement of laws against racism, and limited access to justice for blacks ³⁹
in these countries. Though data on Latin American prisons is limited, the survey also found
blacks to make up large percentages of prison populations living in conditions that were often
overcrowded, violent, and unhygienic.
The absence of an effective state presence in Afro-Colombian communities has created a vacuum
into which the country’s 40-year conflict between paramilitaries and guerrilla forces has spread.
In May 2002, a battle between paramilitaries and guerrilla forces resulted in the bombing death of

119 Afro-Colombian civilians who had sought refuge in a town church. Nationally, Afro-

Colombians compose roughly 22% of the total displaced population, which is now estimated to
exceed 3 million. According to the Colombian Consultation for Human Rights and Displacement
(CODHES), the displacement rate of Afro-Colombian communities is 20% higher than the
national rate. In the last five years, more than 2,500 young Afro-Colombians have been killed,
primarily in the cities of Tumaco and Buenaventura. Buenaventura posted the highest murder rate ⁴⁰
of any city in Colombia in 2006, some seven times the rate in Bogotá. In 2006, the United
Nations expressed concern that the Colombian conflict was having a disproportionate effect on ⁴¹
indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Afro-Colombian leaders have expressed concern
that the Colombian government, though making an effort to protect some endangered Afro-
Colombian leaders, has not responded to black communities’ demands for better government
services and increased protection.
Giving poor families access to land titles has been identified as an important poverty-fighting ⁴²
measure. Land titles can enable families to obtain mortgages to finance home improvements, to
start small businesses, or to pay for their children’s education. Increasing legal land ownership
enables governments to collect more property taxes to pay for schools, hospitals, and
infrastructure projects. The World Bank has helped finance land-titling programs in Peru, Bolivia,
El Salvador, and Guatemala.

³⁸^U^.^{S. D}^e^pa^r^t^m^e^{nt of}^Sta^t^e^,^C^o^untr^y^R^e^por^ts^oⁿ^H^u^m^a^{n R}ⁱ^g^h^ts^P^r^a^c^t^ic^e^s²⁰⁰^{6: Ec}^ua^dor^,^Ma^r^c^h²⁰^07.
³⁹^Ju^stⁱ^{ce S}^t^udⁱ^e^{s Cen}^t^er^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^cas,^“T^h^e^Ju^dⁱ^ci^al^S^y^st^e^m^an^d^Raci^s^m^A^g^aiⁿ^s^t^P^e^o^p^l^e^o^f^Af^ri^caⁿ^Descen^t^,^”
^Ma^r^c^{h 20}⁰⁴^.
⁴⁰^“^C^oc^aⁱ^ne^W^a^{rs Ma}^k^e^P^o^{rt C}^o^lo^m^b^ia^{’s De}^a^d^lie^{st City}^,”^{New Yo}^rk^Times^{, Ma}^y^{22, 2}⁰⁰⁷^.
⁴¹^T^e^s^tⁱ^m^on^y^of^L^u^is^G^ilbe^r^{to Mur}ⁱ^llo-^U^r^r^u^tⁱ^a^,^F^o^r^m^e^r^G^o^v^e^r^nor^of^C^hoc^ó,^C^o^l^o^m^b^ia^be^f^o^r^e^the^W^e^s^t^e^r^{n H}^e^mⁱ^s^phe^r^e
^Subc^om^m^itte^e^o^f^the^H^ous^e^C^o^m^m^itte^e^{on For}^e^ig^{n A}^f^f^a^ir^s^,^A^p^r^{il 24, 2}⁰⁰⁷^{; “}^C^olom^bia^:^U^N^A^g^eⁿ^cy^Voic^e^s^R^e^ne^w^e^d
^Coⁿ^cern^{Over M}^a^{ss Di}^sp^l^acemen^t^s^F^r^o^m^Coⁿ^f^lⁱ^c^t^,^”^S^t^a^t^{es News S}^e^rvice^{, J}^u^ly^{7, 200}^6.
⁴²^Ty^le^{r Bridg}^e^{s, “}^L^a^{nd T}^itle^s^Gⁱ^v^e^P^o^{or a}^Chaⁿ^c^e^t^o^A^d^v^a^nc^e^,^”^Mⁱ^{ami He}^rald^,^A^p^r^{il 4, 20}^04.

In the 1980s, a number of Latin American countries began to recognize the importance of land
reform. One type of land reform that has benefited indigenous and some Afro-descendant groups
has been ethnic-specific. Starting with Brazil in 1988, and Colombia in 1991, Latin American
governments began to recognize the historically derived land rights of some black communities, ⁴³
notably maroon communities of escaped slaves’ descendants.
Afro-descendant groups have, in general, been much less successful than indigenous groups in
gaining collective land rights. In Central America, only Afro-Latinos in Honduras and Nicaragua
have gained the same collective land rights as indigenous communities. For example, the
Garifuna community, descendants of escaped slaves from St. Vincent that inhabit the Caribbean
coast of Central America, won communal land rights in Honduras and Nicaragua by proving that
their language, religious beliefs, and traditional agriculture techniques are inextricably linked to ⁴⁴
their notion of land and territory. In contrast, Afro-Latinos whose ancestors were brought as
slaves have been integrated into the mestizo culture of Central America and do not therefore
possess the racial/cultural group identity or specific relationship to the land that the Garifuna
possess.
Even Afro-descendant groups that have communal titles, such as the Garifuna, are facing
increasing challenges to their land titles, especially in coastal areas, as real estate developers seek
to capitalize on the recent boom in tourism development. Some Garifuna have also expressed
concerns that a 2004 Honduran law granting land titles for individual and private capital
development, may threaten their communal land rights. On May 30, 2005, Gregoria Flores, a
prominent Garifuna leader, was shot while collecting evidence to present to the Inter-American
Court of Human Rights in support of Garifuna land rights claims against developers in ⁴⁵
Honduras.
A similar situation has occurred among Afro-descendants who live in the Pacific Coast region of
Colombia. Since the early 1990s, Afro-Colombian communities have been mobilizing for
increased rights and representation. In 1993, the Colombian government passed Law 70, which
recognized the collective land rights of Afro-Colombian communities. While some 6.1 million
hectares of land have been granted titles under Law 70, large percentages of Afro-Colombian
communities have been forced off their ancestral lands because of the ongoing internal conflict.
Some Afro-Colombian lands are being used by private companies (in violation of Law 70) to ⁴⁶
develop African palm oil. This practice has reportedly been accelerated by laws passed by the
Colombian Congress to encourage commercial development of the country’s forests, water, and
other natural resources. In addition, illegally armed groups have increasingly engaged in both licit
and illicit extractive activities (such as mining, agro-business, and coca cultivation) in the Afro-
Colombian territories.
In Brazil, the government of President Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva has improved health,
education, and electricity provision to many quilombola communities, but many of those
communities still lack titles to their land. Press reports indicate that Brazil’s federal and state
governments have provided only 23 land titles out of more than 400 requested by quilombola

⁴³^T^hor^ne^,²⁰^04;^H^ook^e^r^aⁿ^{d G}^o^r^d^on,²⁰⁰⁴^.
⁴⁴ ^H^ook^e^r^a^{nd G}^o^r^d^on,²⁰⁰⁴^.
⁴⁵^U^.^{S. D}^e^pa^r^t^m^e^{nt of}^Sta^t^e^,^C^o^unt^r^y^Re^por^ts^oⁿ^H^u^m^an^Rig^h^ts^Pr^ac^tic^e^s^:^H^ond^ur^as^,^M^a^r^c^h²⁰⁰⁶^.
⁴⁶ ^“^I^{n Col}^o^m^b^ia^{, Choc}^ó^Se^e^k^{s P}^r^ospe^rity^Af^te^{r Fig}^h^ting^,^”^W^o^rld^Pol^itic^{s W}^a^tc^{h, Se}^pte^m^be^{r 22,}²⁰^06;^Da^vⁱ^{d Ba}^c^on,
^“^B^lood^oⁿ^the^P^a^lm^s:^Af^ro-Colo^m^biaⁿ^{s Fig}^h^{t Ne}^w^P^l^aⁿ^ta^tio^ns,”^Dolla^{rs &}^Se^nse^,^July^18,²⁰⁰⁷.

communities. A recent study found that if all of those requests were granted, Brazil would have to ⁴⁷
give out a tract of land equal to half the size of California.
Although extensive regional data are not yet available, existing studies from selected countries
indicate a persistent gap between health indicators for Afro-descendants and for the general ⁴⁸
population in Latin America. Analysts from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO)
assert that these health differentials result, at least in part, from racial discrimination.
Discrimination in health can limit ethnic minorities’ access to services and reduce the quality of
information and services provided to them. Racial discrimination also operates indirectly,
according to PAHO, by limiting the types of jobs, living conditions, and educational opportunities
available to indigenous groups and Afro-descendants.
Health disparities are evident in some countries by higher rates of infant mortality, homicide, ⁴⁹
suicide, and HIV/AIDS among Afro-Latinos than other people in Latin America. The infant
mortality rate in the Chocó, a region that is 70% Afro-Colombian, is the highest in Colombia,
more than three times higher than the rates in Bogotá. Figures from Ecuador reveal significantly
higher homicide and suicide rates in Esmeraldas, a coastal region that is inhabited by Afro-
descendants, than the national average. In Honduras, the Garifuna community of Afro-
descendants has a much higher HIV/AIDS prevalence rate (an estimated 8%-10%) than the
general population (where the rate is less than 2%). These figures, though far from exhaustive,
illustrate some of the major health challenges facing Afro-descendants in Latin America.

In the past few years, both Bush Administration officials and Members of Congress have
expressed an interest in improving the condition of Afro-Latinos in Latin America. When
President Bush visited Colombia in March 2007, the only civil society groups he met with were
members of Afro-Colombian organizations. In a July 2007 interview, Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice reiterated her interest in supporting African descent populations in Latin
America. At the same time, Congress has moved to increase assistance to Afro-descendants in
Colombia. Some have predicted that U.S. interest in Afro-Latinos may increase in the coming
years due to the recent election of Barack Obama, the first African-American President of the ⁵⁰
United States.
People of African descent comprise a significant portion of the population in several Latin
American countries, and account for nearly 50% of the region’s poor. For many Afro-
descendants, endemic poverty is exacerbated by isolation, exclusion, and racial discrimination.

⁴⁷^“^D^e^s^c^e^nda^{nts of}^Sla^v^e^s^{Still Suf}^f^e^r^{in Bra}^z^il,”^Re^ute^r^s^,^J^u^l^y³^,²⁰⁰⁷^;^“Ju^s^tⁱ^{ce f}^o^{r Descen}^d^aⁿ^t^{s o}^f^Af^rⁱ^can^S^l^aves,^”
^L^a^tⁱⁿ^A^m^eri^c^a^Weekl^{y R}^e^p^o^r^t^,^A^u^gu^st¹⁶^,²⁰⁰⁷^.
⁴⁸ ^Cristina^T^o^rre^s^P^a^rodi^{, “}^W^orkⁱ^ng^{to A}^c^hie^v^e^He^a^{lth Eq}^uity^wⁱ^t^h^an^E^t^hnⁱ^c^P^e^rsp^ectⁱ^v^e,^”^P^aⁿ^A^m^erⁱ^can^Heal^t^h
^O^r^g^a^niz^a^{tion (}^P^A^H^O⁾^{, O}^c^tobe^r²⁰⁰⁴^{; C}^r^is^ti^na^T^o^r^r^e^s^P^a^r^odi^{, “}^E^th^nic^ity^a^{nd H}^e^a^{lth: A}^nothe^r^P^e^r^s^pe^c^tiv^e^T^o^w^a^r^d^s
^Equity^,”^P^A^H^O^,^J^une²⁰^01.⁴⁹
^T^h^e^s^e^s^t^a^tis^tic^s^w^e^r^e^dr^aw^{n f}^r^o^m^c^oun^tr^y^s^t^a^tis^tic^s^c^ite^{d in tw}^{o s}^o^u^r^c^e^s^{. Se}^e^P^A^H^O^,^“^H^e^a^{lth in t}^h^e^A^m^e^r^ic^a^s^,”^2002,
^v^o^{l 1;}^P^A^H^O^,^“^H^e^a^{lth a}ⁿ^d^Ethⁿ^ic^G^r^oups^,”^P^r^e^s^eⁿ^ta^tio^{n f}^o^r^L^a^tin^A^m^e^r^ic^aⁿ^P^a^r^lia^m^e^{nt Me}^e^tingⁱⁿ^G^u^a^t^em^a^l^a^,²⁰⁰^4.
⁵⁰ ^P^h^on^{e i}ⁿ^t^e^rvi^e^w^wⁱ^t^h^Af^ro^-Co^l^om^bⁱ^an^l^ead^ers,^No^ve^m^b^{er 1}⁹^,²⁰⁰⁸^.

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) notes that Afro-Latinos are among the most
“invisible” of the excluded groups as they are not well-represented among national political, ⁵¹
economic, and educational leadership in the region. They have also been, until recently, absent
from many countries’ census and socioeconomic data.
Although Afro-descendants have benefited from general development assistance to the region,
they have not, in most cases, received the same degree of attention or targeted funding as
indigenous peoples. Afro-descendant communities have suffered human rights abuses, especially
in Colombia. They may also be at a high-risk of contracting HIV/AIDS. Some argue that their
demands—for political representation, land rights, jobs, access to health and education programs,
and human rights protection—intersect with strategic U.S. goals for the region.
This section outlines several U.S. foreign assistance programs that are already targeting Afro-
descendant communities in Latin America. It then discusses how multilateral development banks
and regional political institutions, such as the Organization of American States (OAS), entities of
which the United States is a member and major funding source, are engaging on this issue. The
section includes a brief description of previous legislative activity addressing the concerns of ^th
Afro-Latinos, as well as legislation considered during the 110 Congress. It concludes with a
brief discussion of other policy approaches that have been proposed should the United States elect
to provide further support for Afro-Latinos.
Assisting Afro-Latinos has never been a primary U.S. foreign policy objective. However, a
number of economic aid agencies that receive U.S. funding have benefited Afro-descendants and
their communities either directly or indirectly. Three of these agencies—USAID, the State
Department, and the Peace Corps—are government agencies. One—the Inter-American
Foundation—is an independent agency of the U.S. government. The last organization—the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED)—is a private foundation funded by the U.S.
government. Since many of the programs serving Afro-Latinos are small and relatively new, few
independent evaluations exist to evaluate their effectiveness. Unless otherwise noted, sources for
the program descriptions contained in this section of the report were compiled from documents
provided by the agency or entity in question.
Bilateral economic aid to Latin America is primarily administered by USAID. Under President
Bush, U.S. policy towards Latin America is based on three broad objectives—strengthening
democracy, encouraging development, and enhancing security. In Latin America, USAID policy
is to support efforts to deepen and broaden the participation of all groups, especially those that are
poor and marginalized. According to USAID, beneficiaries of its programs in the region include
indigenous populations and Afro-Latinos. In some countries these groups have faced legal or
official discrimination in employment, access to health and education programs, and property
rights. In Colombia, they have suffered from human rights abuses as a result of an ongoing armed

⁵¹^Socⁱ^a^l^e^x^c^l^us^ion^oc^c^u^r^s^w^h^eⁿ^c^e^r^ta^{in p}^o^p^u^la^tio^ns^a^r^e^de^nie^d^t^h^e^be^ne^f^its^of^s^o^cⁱ^a^l^a^{nd e}^c^onom^ic^de^ve^lopm^eⁿ^{t ba}^s^e^{d on}
^th^{eir race, g}^eⁿ^d^e^{r, eth}ⁿ^icity^{, o}^r^dⁱ^sab^{ilities. S}^{ee h}^t^tp^:/^/www^.iad^b^.^o^r^g^/^sd^s/so^c/site_³⁰⁹⁴^_^e^.h^tm^.

conflict. To address these issues, USAID has reached out to indigenous and Afro-Latino
populations, both through targeted programs and through broad efforts to support marginalized
populations. Among USAID’s recent programs targeting Afro-Latinos are the following:
USAID supports Afro-Latinos through an agreement with the Inter-American Institute for Human
Rights (IIDH). IIDH is completing applied research on the ease of access and level of
participation in political-electoral processes by Afro-Colombians and Afro-Panamanians. IIDH
has also recently completed an activity to help the Afro-Panamanian movement set its “Strategic
Advocacy Plan” and influenced both the enactment of a law prohibiting workplace discrimination
in Panama and the creation of a special commission to develop government policy for the full
inclusion of Afro-Panamanians.
USAID/Colombia supports Afro-Colombians and their communities through programs focused
on alternative development, local governance, support for internally displaced and vulnerable ⁵²
persons, conflict resolution, human rights and justice strengthening. USAID’s alternative
development programs include an agriculture program that has taught approximately 6,240 Afro-
Colombian families, 27,920 Afro-Colombians living in collective communities, and 102
municipalities viable alternatives to illegal drug production. According to USAID, its governance
programs have supported more than 60 Afro-Colombian organizations, several Afro-Colombian
conferences, and the development of a Colombian Black Caucus within the Colombian
legislature. USAID has created “justice houses” in 20 departments to provide access to
government services and conciliation services. In 2006, over 77,000 Afro-Colombians used the
services of the justice houses. USAID asserts that its assistance to displaced persons and
vulnerable persons has benefited over 170,000 Afro-Colombians, with new programs launched in
2006 in Chocó, a poor region with the country’s highest concentration of Afro-descendants. In
December 2007, USAID began a conflict resolution program with specific cultural components
aimed at Afro-Colombian youth in four communities in Buenaventura that has benefited at least
1,077 children. Some Afro-Colombian leaders have complained, however, that USAID has not
always sought Afro-Colombian participation in project formation and implementation.
USAID has designated funding to support the development of water and sewage systems in
marginalized Afro-Ecuadorian communities along the country’s northern border with Colombia.
The program has benefited more than 51,000 individuals. USAID funds have also built bridges in
Esmeraldas and in Imbabura, two provinces with significant Afro-descendant populations, which
have benefited roughly 23,692 and 2,400 individuals respectively. USAID has provided $25,000
to support training of a core group of 40 Afro-Ecuadorian human rights promoters and the
establishment of a network of Afro-Ecuadorian community advocates. It has also supported
agricultural training and small grants programs that have benefited some 1,799 Afro-Ecuadorians.

⁵²^US^A^I^D/^Co^l^o^m^bⁱ^a^F^act^S^h^eet^,^“U.^S^.^A^ssi^st^an^{ce t}^o^Af^ro^-Co^l^o^m^bⁱ^an^s,^{” S}^e^p^t^em^b^e^{r 2}⁰⁰⁸^.

In FY2005, the State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affair’s Office of Public
Diplomacy and Public Affairs (WHA/PDA) began to implement outreach programs aimed at
empowering Afro-Latinos and other marginalized youth. Many of these programs have been
administered by the Public Affairs Sections of U.S. embassies in different countries throughout
Latin America. In early 2007, for example, WHA/PDA began a two-year program to provide
Afro-Latino and indigenous secondary school students two years of English training, college
preparation tools, and advising in order to help them pursue higher education opportunities. The
U.S. Embassy in Colombia is providing support to 87 Afro-Colombian university students for
English language courses, leadership training, and advising on possible graduate study and
scholarship opportunities in the United States.
The Inter-American Foundation is a small federal agency that provides approximately 60 new
grants each year to non-profit and community-based programs in Latin America and the
Caribbean. The grants are awarded to organizations that promote entrepreneurship, self-reliance,
and economic progress for the poor. The estimated appropriation for the IAF in FY2008 was for
$21 million.
Since the mid-1990s, the IAF has been working to raise awareness of the issues facing Afro-
descendants, a group that has long benefited from its grassroots development programs. In
FY2008, the IAF funded 10 grants totaling $2.2 million to organizations working in Afro-Latino
communities in Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Haiti, Jamaica, and Nicaragua. In addition to its grant
work, the IAF has supported the attendance of 475 individuals representing some 100
organizations at workshops and conferences related to development and democracy. One of those
events was a dialogue between Afro-descendant leaders and the Secretary General of the
Organization of American States (OAS) on efforts to combat discrimination. The IAF has also
represented the U.S. government in numerous regional and international groups and forums in
which Afro-descendant issues have been discussed.
The Peace Corps sends U.S. volunteers to developing countries to provide technical aid and to
promote mutual understanding on a people-to-people basis. Peace Corps volunteers are currently
working in several countries in the region that have significant Afro-Latino populations. Those
countries include the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, and Ecuador. Peace
Corps/Dominican Republic says that 100% of its 176 volunteers are working with Afro-
descendant populations, including 20 volunteers working on basic healthcare and HIV/AIDS
prevention work in bateyes, which are among the poorest areas in the country. The vast majority
of the beneficiaries in those communities (90%) are of Haitian/African descent. Peace
Corps/Ecuador reports that 20 of its 151 volunteers are working with Afro-Ecuadorians in
activities related to life skills development (including self-esteem, leadership, and job skills),
income generation activities, water and sanitation, and HIV/AIDS prevention and education.

The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), funded by Congress since 1983, plans and
administers grants to promote pluralism and democratic governance in more than 90 countries
around the world. The primary focus of these organizations is to foster participation of citizens in
their national political systems. Between FY2002 and FY2008, NED provided more than $1.7
million in grants to organizations working with Afro-Latinos in Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, and
Peru. Two of its largest grantees have been the Association of Youth Groups Freedom, which
supports Afro-Colombian citizen participation in local and national politics, and the League of
Displaced Women, which supports training and leadership programs for displaced Afro-
Colombian and indigenous women. NED has also provided some $297,066 to support
AfroAmerica XXI, an organization based in Colombia that helps promote the political
participation of Afro-Latino organizations throughout the region. In FY2008, NED sponsored
programs related to Afro-Latinos in Cuba, Ecuador, and Peru.
In addition to its bilateral aid, the United States is a member and the major funding source of the
multilateral development banks that work in Latin America—the World Bank and the Inter-
American Development Bank (IDB). The World Bank and the IDB have both funded a number of
projects benefiting Afro-descendants in Latin America, although the number of projects funded
and events held related to Afro-descendants appears to have decreased in the past two years.
Since 2001, the World Bank has sought to assist Afro-descendants in Latin America through both
its lending and non-lending operations. In terms of strategy, the Bank’s Country Assistance
Strategies for Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru, and Uruguay have added a special
focus on Afro-descendants. With respect to operations, the number of World Bank programs
targeting Afro-descendants increased from five programs between 1997 and 2000 to 23 programs
between 2000 and 2005.
World Bank operations targeting Afro-descendants include a wide range of activities. The World
Bank has supported efforts to incorporate race/ethnicity variables into national censuses. To date,
all countries in the region except Venezuela include a self-identification question in their national
censuses. In February 2006, the World Bank released reports on the socioeconomic situation of
Afro-Latinos in Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, and Honduras. The Bank has funded Afro-descendant
civil society groups in different countries and co-sponsored conferences bringing together leaders
of the Afro-descendant community from across the region, including a February 2006 conference
held in Washington D.C.
In 1996, the IDB undertook the first comprehensive assessment of the situation of Afro-
descendants in Latin America. Since that time, the IDB has focused on combating poverty and
social exclusion in Afro-Latinos communities. In addition to its membership in the Inter-Agency
Committee on Race Relations in Latin America, the IDB formed a Working Group and a High
Level Steering Committee on Social Inclusion in 2000. The IDB’s broad social inclusion program
includes indigenous peoples, Afro-descendants, persons with disabilities, poor women, and

people with HIV/AIDS. With respect to exclusion based on race and ethnicity, the IDB has
pledged to increase capacity-building within the bank and in the region, to support research on
this topic, and to expand projects focused on Afro-descendants and indigenous groups. In 2004, ⁵³
the IDB published a book on Social Inclusion and Economic Development in Latin America. It
has also provided training, travel grants, and best practices rewards to non-governmental
organizations working with Afro-descendants throughout the region.
The IDB has also supported country-level projects in Brazil, Ecuador, and Nicaragua, among
others, as well as regional projects related to census participation, education, and health care.
Some examples of IDB operations supporting Afro-Colombians include a $35 million loan to
improve local capacity to deliver basic services to communities in the Pacific Coast region, as
well as a $70,000 grant to support the development and implementation of an affirmative action
policy for Afro-Colombians. The Multilateral Investment Fund of the IDB has approved a $1.4
million grant to increase indigenous and Afro-descendant communities’ involvement in
Honduras’ expanding tourism industry.
In February 2003, the IDB launched a Social Inclusion Trust Fund (SITF), which is being funded
by initial investments by the governments of Norway and Great Britain, to support small-scale
initiatives to promote social inclusion. In its first three years in operation, the SITF approved 26
projects, totaling $1.4 million. The SITF has financed small projects in direct support of Afro-
descendants, including $80,000 to support the Afro-Brazilian Observatory, a research center
devoted to gathering socioeconomic data on Brazil’s black population, and $55,000 to support the
dissemination of information on the situation of Afro-Uruguayans. The SITF has also helped
incorporate social inclusion components into at least six major IDB projects, as well as several
country strategies and policies, and supported awareness-raising initiatives, media, and outreach
campaigns.
The United Nations (U.N.) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
entered into force in 1969. The United States, along with all the Spanish-and Portuguese-speaking
countries in Latin America, are parties to this convention. As signatories, these countries have
agreed to condemn racial discrimination and undertake all appropriate means necessary to
eliminate it in all of its forms.
Hemispheric leaders reiterated a commitment to ending poverty and discrimination at Summit of
the Americas meetings held in Santiago (1998), Quebec (2001), and Monterrey (2004). In 2003,
Brazil proposed a resolution requesting that the Organization of American States (OAS), a
political body of Western Hemisphere countries, draft an Inter-American Convention for the
Prevention of Racism and All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance. As a followup to this
resolution, the OAS commissioned a report by the Justice Studies Center of the Americas,
completed in March 2004, on the judicial systems and racism against Afro-descendants in several

⁵³^M^a^y^r^{a Bu}^viⁿⁱ^{c an}^d^Jacqu^e^lⁱⁿ^{e Mazza,}^ed^s.^,^Soc^ia^{l I}ⁿ^c^l^us^io^{n a}ⁿ^d^E^c^onom^ic^D^evel^o^p^m^en^tⁱⁿ^L^a^tⁱⁿ^A^m^eri^c^a
⁽^W^a^s^hing^{ton, D}^C^{: I}ⁿ^te^r^-^A^m^e^rⁱ^c^a^{n D}^e^v^e^lopm^eⁿ^{t B}^a^nk^/J^ohns^H^o^pk^ins^Uⁿ^iv^e^r^s^ity^P^r^e^s^s^,²⁰⁰⁴⁾^.

countries in the region.⁵⁴ Several cases involving Afro-descendants and their communities have
been resolved or are pending before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IAHCR)
and the Inter-American Court. In February 2005, the IAHCR created a Special Rapporteur on the
Rights of People of African descent and racial discrimination. The OAS, under the leadership of
the Brazilian Mission to the OAS, is currently negotiating a draft text of the Inter-American
Convention for the Prevention of Racism and All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance.
In 2000, the Inter-American Dialogue founded the Inter-Agency Consultation on Race in Latin
America (IAC), a consultative group of international development institutions that met regularly
from 2000-2006 to address issues of race, discrimination, and social exclusion facing Afro-
descendants in Latin America. The IAC was comprised of representatives from the British
Department for International Development, World Bank, IDB, Pan American Health Organization
(PAHO), OAS Commission on Human Rights, Inter-American Foundation, and Ford Foundation.
Its mission was to encourage the hemisphere’s policy-makers, including the U.S. government, as
well as the international development agencies, to address issues of race and discrimination when
designing and implementing programs. The IAC, in consultation with academics and Afro-
descendant advocacy and research groups in Latin America, sponsored a number of forums and
conferences to increase the visibility of Afro-descendants and their communities.
In 2001, the World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa increased regional
interest in the challenges of Afro-Latinos. After a national dialogue on race leading up to its
participation in the conference, the Brazilian government reportedly admitted for the first time ⁵⁵
that racial prejudice and discrimination were serious problems that Brazil had to overcome. In
2003, Brazil hosted the first meeting of Afro-descendant legislators in the Americas. The resulting
“Brasilia Declaration” outlined concrete regional and national goals for advancing Afro-Latino
concerns, and set forth the framework used to organize a second meeting of Afro-Latino
legislators in Bogotá, Colombia, in May 2004. Legislators, including Members of the U.S.
Congress, met for a third time in Costa Rica in August 2005. In June 2008, leaders from across
Latin America met to prepare an outcome document on regional progress made in addressing
racism for the U.N. Durban Review Conference Against Racism that will be held in Geneva,
Switzerland in April 2009.
Congress has expressed some concern in recent years about the status of Afro-Latinos in Latin ^th
America. In the 107 Congress, the House Appropriations Committee report to the FY2003
Foreign Operations Bill (H.R. 5410, H.Rept. 107-663) included a section acknowledging the

⁵⁴^Ju^stⁱ^{ce S}^t^udⁱ^e^{s Cen}^t^er^o^f^t^h^{e Ameri}^cas,^“T^h^e^Ju^dⁱ^ci^al^S^y^st^e^m^an^d^Raci^s^m^A^g^aiⁿ^s^t^P^e^o^p^l^e^o^f^Af^ri^caⁿ^Descen^t^,^”
^Sa^ntia^g^o^{, Ch}^ile^{, Ma}^rc^h²⁰⁰⁴^.
⁵⁵^Som^e^ha^v^e^a^r^g^u^e^d^tha^t^tw^{o by}^pr^oduc^ts^of^B^r^a^z^il’^s^a^c^tiv^e^pa^r^tic^ipa^tionⁱⁿ^the^D^u^r^b^aⁿ^C^onf^e^r^eⁿ^c^e^a^{nd s}^u^bs^e^que^nt
^r^e^gⁱ^ona^{l m}^e^e^ting^s^{on A}^f^r^o^-^d^e^s^c^e^nda^nts^ha^v^e^be^eⁿⁱ^t^s^a^d^o^p^ti^on^of^a^f^fⁱ^r^m^a^tⁱ^v^e^a^c^{tion pr}^og^r^a^m^s^a^{nd le}^gⁱ^s^l^a^tion^tha^t
^req^uⁱ^{res sch}^o^o^l^{s t}^o^teach^A^f^ro^-Br^azilian^hⁱ^sto^r^y^.^{See Htu}ⁿ^,²⁰⁰⁴^.

human rights violations suffered by Afro-Colombians, and urging USAID to increase funding on
their behalf.
In the 108^th Congress, one bill and two resolutions concerning Afro-Latinos were introduced in
the House, but no action was taken on any of these initiatives. In November 2003, Congressman
Menendez proposed a bill, H.R. 3447, the Social Investment Fund for the Americas Act of 2003,
that would have provided assistance to reduce poverty and increase economic opportunity to the
countries of the Western Hemisphere. The Social Investment Fund would seek to combat poverty
and the exclusion of marginalized populations by targeting assistance to people of African
descent, indigenous groups, women, and people with disabilities. It would have authorized the
appropriation of $250 million to USAID and to the IDB respectively for each of the fiscal years

2005 through 2009.

In February 2004, Congressman Rangel introduced a resolution, H.Con.Res. 47, recommending
that the United States and the international community promote research, development programs,
and advocacy efforts focused on improving the situation of Afro-descendant communities in the
region. In July 2004, Congressman Meeks submitted another resolution, H.Con.Res. 482, urging
the United States government to work with the governments of Latin America, as well as the rest
of the international community, to promote the visibility of Afro-descendants and to support
efforts to eliminate racial and ethnic discrimination and the achievement of the Millennium
Development Goals.

On July 18, 2005 the House passed H.Con.Res. 175, recognizing the injustices suffered by
African descendants of the transatlantic slave trade in all of the Americas and recommending that
the United States and the international community work to improve the situation of Afro-
descendant communities in Latin America and the Caribbean. On July 20, 2005, a companion
resolution was referred to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations after being received by the
House.
Some Members of Congress also expressed specific concerns about the situation of Afro-
Colombians affected by the conflict in Colombia. Legislation was introduced—H.R. 4886
(McGovern) the Colombian Temporary Protected Status Act of 2006—that would have made
Colombian nationals, including Afro-Colombians affected by the country’s ongoing conflict—
eligible for Temporary Protected Status (TPS). Another resolution, H.Res. 822 (McCollum), was
introduced recognizing the efforts of Afro-Colombian and other peace-building communities in
Colombia and urging the Secretary of State to monitor acts of violence committed against them.

In the 110^th Congress, there have been several bills with provisions related to Afro-Latinos. The
Consolidated Appropriations Act, FY2008 (H.R. 2764/P.L. 110-161) required the State
Department to certify that the Colombian military is not violating the land and property rights of
Afro-Colombians or the indigenous. It also prohibited the use of Andean Counterdrug funds for
investment in oil palm development if it causes displacement or environmental damage (as it has
in many Afro-Colombian communities). In the explanatory statement to the Consolidated
Appropriations Act, the conferees stipulate that up to $15 million in alternative development
assistance to Colombia may be provided to Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities.

On July 11, 2007, the House passed H.Res. 426 (McGovern), recognizing 2007 as the year of the
rights of internally displaced persons (including Afro-Colombians) in Colombia and offering U.S.
support to programs that seek to assist and protect them. Another resolution, H.Res. 618 (Payne),
recognizing the importance of addressing the plight of Afro-Colombians, was introduced on
August 3, 2007. On September 9, 2008, the House passed H.Res. 1254 (Engel), supporting the
values and goals of the “Joint Action Plan Between the Government of the Federative Republic of
Brazil and the Government of the United States of America to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic
Discrimination and Promote Equality,” which was signed by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
and Brazilian Minister of Racial Integration Edson Santos in March 2008.
In addition to considering legislation with provisions related to Afro-Latinos, the 110^th Congress
discussed the situation of Afro-Colombians during its consideration of the U.S.-Colombia Trade ^th
Promotion Agreement. If the trade agreement is taken up again in the 111 Congress, these
concerns are likely to re-surface. The Obama Administration is viewed with some optimism by ⁵⁶
Afro-Latinos in the region, with some expectations for increased attention to Afro-Latino issues.
In general, U.S. foreign aid has not addressed Afro-Latinos as a unique and specific category of
beneficiaries aside from the unique case of Afro-Colombians. Afro-Latinos are not treated in the
aid program the way “women in development” are—that is, as a group requiring special attention,
including the need to enumerate those served in order to demonstrate and encourage progress.
Rather, insofar as Afro-Latinos comprise a large proportion of the poor in Latin America, they are
helped by the general assistance programs that serve the poor. Additionally, some U.S. agencies
have, to the extent possible, developed interventions specific to the needs of certain Afro-
descendant communities.
Some assert that the United States has an interest in increasing assistance to Afro-Latinos and
delineating a clearer policy to address their needs. These analysts argue that Afro-Latinos have a
set of problems specific to their situation that economic assistance is not yet adequately
addressing. Three examples they point to include the dearth of data on the socioeconomic
situation of Afro-descendants, the limited support given to Afro-Latino community organizations,
and the precarious nature of the land titles held (and still being sought) by Afro-descendant
communities.
Proponents of expanded assistance to Afro-Latinos emphasize the need for the United States to
support or encourage Latin American governments’ efforts to collect better data on race/ethnicity
and socioeconomic status. These proponents also are likely to support legislative initiatives
targeting aid to Afro-Latinos and their communities, especially capacity-building programs for
Afro-Latino community organizations. They believe that it is important to encourage USAID and
other development institutions to include Afro-Latinos in the process of designing and
implementing local programs. Finally, advocates of increased support for Afro-Latinos assert that

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it is important to sponsor exchanges between Afro-descendant leaders, organizers, and elected
officials and interested groups in the United States.
In addition to increasing bilateral aid programs targeting Afro-Latinos, some argue that the United
States could take a more active role in multilateral initiatives on behalf of Afro-Latinos. For
example, the United States government could contribute (as Norway and Great Britain have) to
the IDB’s Social Inclusion Fund for the Americas. Or the U.S. government might decide to
support the Inter-American Convention for the Prevention of Racism and All Forms of
Discrimination and Intolerance currently being drafted by the OAS.
Others question whether increasing assistance to Afro-Latinos is feasible at a time when limited
development assistance is being allocated to Latin America. They point out that Afro-Latinos are
already benefiting from development assistance programs. Targeting further assistance to Afro-
Latinos through earmarks or other means might force USAID and other agencies to cut funding
for other needy groups. It may also increase the regulatory burden on development agencies by
forcing them to gather statistics on a new subgroup that is, for reasons outlined in the section on
identity in Latin America, sometimes difficult to delineate. Finally, they argue that mandating the
inclusion of Afro-Latinos in Peace Corps, IAF, or Millennium Challenge Account (MCA)
portfolios for a country may go against the priorities outlined by the agency or the country in
question.
Still others caution that race is a sensitive issue for many countries in Latin America, and that the
United States should proceed with caution when approaching this issue. Notions of race and
national identity vary widely between the United States and Latin America, and within the
countries of the region. Some maintain that it would be inappropriate for the United States to
attempt to impose its views and policies with respect to race on other sovereign nations.
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