North Korea's Nuclear Test: Motivations, Implications, and U.S. Options

North Korea’s Nuclear Test: Motivations,
Implications, and U.S. Options
Updated December 12, 2006
Emma Chanlett-Avery
Analyst in Asian Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Sharon Squassoni
Specialist in National Defense
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division

North Korea’s Nuclear Test: Motivations,
Implications, and U.S. Options
On October 9, 2006, North Korea announced it conducted a nuclear test. After
several days of evaluation, U.S. authorities confirmed that the underground explosion
was nuclear, but that the test produced a low yield of less than one kiloton. As the
United Nations Security Council met and approved a resolution condemning the tests
and calling for punitive sanctions, North Korea remained defiant, insisting that any
increased pressure on the regime would be regarded as an act of war. China and
South Korea, the top aid providers to and trade partners with the North, supported the
resolution itself, but have been unwilling to cut off other economic cooperation and
aid considered crucial to the regime. The sanction regime depends heavily on
individual states’ compliance with the guidelines. Economists argue that the only
definitively effective punishment on North Korea would be the suspension of energy
aid from China, which reportedly supplies about 70% of North Korea’s fuel.
Determining the motivations of a government as opaque and secretive as North
Korea is exceedingly difficult, but analysts have put forth a range of possibilities to
explain why the Pyongyang regime decided to test a nuclear weapon. Possible
motivations include an attempt to engage the United States in bilateral talks, to
ensure the security of the regime, and to satisfy hard-line elements within the
Pyongyang government, as well as technical motivations for carrying out a nuclear
The short-term implications of North Korea’s nuclear test are clear: whether a
technical success or failure, North Korea’s willingness to carry out a test in the face
of significant opposition indicates that it is willing to endure the potential
consequences. Analysts fear that the medium and long-term implications could
include a more potent nuclear threat from Pyongyang, a nuclear arms race in Asia,
and the transfer of nuclear weapons or material to states or groups hostile to the
United States. There are also strong concerns about the impact on the global
nonproliferation regime, particularly to other states poised to develop their own
nuclear weapon programs.
The most fundamental U.S. goals of the confrontation with North Korea are to
prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and to prevent an attack —
either nuclear or conventional — on the United States or on its allies in the region.
The options available to U.S. policymakers to pursue these goals include the
acceptance of North Korea as a nuclear power, bilateral or multilateral negotiations,
heightened legal and economic pressure on North Korea, adoption of a regime
change policy through non-military means, military action or threats, and withdrawal
from the conflict.
This report will be updated as circumstances warrant.

North Korea Conducts a Nuclear Test..................................1
Return to the Six-Party Talks.................................2
Other CRS Resources on North Korea.................................2
Recent Congressional Action on North Korea............................3
International Response .............................................3
United Nations................................................3
China .......................................................4
South Korea..................................................5
Japan .......................................................5
Possible North Korean Motivations....................................6
Attempt to Secure Bilateral Talks.................................6
Attempt to Ensure Security of Regime.............................6
Domestic Political Factors.......................................7
Technical Motivations..........................................7
Possible Medium and Long-term Implications...........................8
Growing Nuclear Threat?........................................8
Nuclear Arms Race in Asia......................................9
Proliferation to Other States or Non-State Actors....................10
Impact on Other Proliferators...................................12
Fate of Nuclear Arsenal in North Korean Collapse Scenario...........12
U.S. Goals and Policy Options.......................................13
Status Quo..................................................13
Explicitly Accept North Korea as a Nuclear Power...................14
New Approach Through Bilateral Talks with North Korea.............14
Continue Diplomacy via Six-Party Talks..........................15
Escalate Economic and Legal Pressure on Regime...................15
Unilateral Financial and Legal Measures.......................15
Strengthen Proliferation Security Initiative.....................16
Adoption of Regime Change Policy by Non-Military Means...........17
Military Options..............................................17
Limited Withdrawal...........................................18

North Korea’s Nuclear Test: Motivations,
Implications, and U.S. Options
North Korea Conducts a Nuclear Test
On October 9, 2006, North Korea (formally the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea) announced it conducted a nuclear test. After several days of evaluation,
U.S. authorities confirmed that the underground explosion was nuclear, but that the
test produced a low yield of less than one kiloton. The test followed a pattern of
North Korean provocations and escalations, including the launch of several short-,
medium-, and long-range missiles in July 2006. Since the United States threatened
financial sanctions on banks that do business with North Korea in September 2005,
Pyongyang had boycotted the Six-Party Talks (with South Korea, Japan, China, and
Russia), the multilateral forum dedicated to eliminating North Korea’s nuclear
weapons program. Since the end of the Agreed Framework1 in 2002, experts
estimate that North Korea may have added about six to eight more weapons’ worth
of plutonium to a fissile material stockpile.
President Bush and other U.S. officials immediately condemned the test and
called for a swift response from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). At
the U.N., the United States pushed for punitive sanctions and drafted a resolution that
was eventually unanimously adopted. In a hastily-arranged trip to the region,
Secretary of State Rice reiterated the U.S. security commitment to South Korea and
Japan and urged China and South Korea to implement key measures of the U.N.
North Korean officials reportedly told Russian officials the test of the explosive
device would have a range of yield between 5 and 15 kilotons; another report
suggests that North Korea told Chinese officials they planned to carry out a 4-kiloton

1 The 1994 Agreed Framework, negotiated between the United States and North Korea,
outlined the U.S. commitment to provide North Korea with a package of economic,
diplomatic, and energy-related benefits, and North Korea’s consent to halt its nuclear
program. Specifically, the agreement provided for the shutdown of North Korea’s plutonium
facilities, to be monitored by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), in exchange
for the annual delivery to North Korea of 500,000 tons of heavy oil and the construction in
North Korea of two light water nuclear reactors. A separate protocol signed in 1995 by the
United States, South Korea, and Japan, established the Korean Peninsula Development
Organization (KEDO) to implement the Agreed Framework. The European Union later
joined. After confronting North Korea about a secret uranium program, the United States
suspended shipments of oil, and KEDO suspended work on the reactors in December 2003.

test.2 Seismic information available from the Korea Institute of Geoscience and
Mineral Resources in South Korea indicates that an explosion equivalent to an
earthquake measuring a 3.58 magnitude occurred at 10:35 a.m. on October 9 in the
vicinity of Musudan-ri, North Hamgyong Province.3 Most experts have correlated
the size of the seismic disturbance with a sub-kiloton explosion, raising doubts about
the effectiveness of the North Korean nuclear weapons design. On October 16, 2006,
the U.S. Director of National Intelligence issued a statement confirming that a
nuclear test was conducted, with a yield under 1 kiloton, in the vicinity of P’unggye.4
Several experts have suggested that the nuclear test might have fallen short of the
anticipated yield because of imprecise manufacturing. According to one account,
U.S. intelligence estimates that the blast was in the range of 200 tons of TNT, or 0.2
kt.5 By comparison, a simple plutonium implosion device normally would produce
a larger blast, perhaps 5 to 20 kilotons. The first nuclear tests conducted by other
states have ranged from 9 kt (Pakistan) to 60 kt, but tests by the United States, China,
Britain and Russia were in the 20kt-range.6
On December 8, 2006, President Bush officially determined that North Korea
had detonated a nuclear explosive device, as required by section 102(b)(1) of the
Arms Export Control Act (P.L. 90-629).
Return to the Six-Party Talks. On December 11, 2006, Chinese officials
announced that the multilateral negotiations would resume on December 18, 2006.
In the weeks preceding, U.S. negotiators had reportedly offered some specific details
on what assistance North Korea could expect (although those details were not made
public). The United States further agreed to put the financial sanctions on the
agenda, while North Korea dropped its demand that the sanctions be lifted as a
precondition for the talks. For more details on the Talks, see CRS Report RL33590,
North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons Development and Diplomacy, by Larry Niksch.
Other CRS Resources on North Korea
This report complements several other existing CRS reports. For more
information on North Korea’s nuclear weapons program history, development, and
current status, see CRS Report RL33590, North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons
Development and Diplomacy, by Larry Niksch and CRS Report RS21391, North
Korea’s Nuclear Weapons: Recent Developments, by Sharon Squassoni. For further
details on sanctions, see CRS Report RL31696, North Korea: Economic Sanctions,

2 “Korean Test Seen as Only Partial Blast,” Washington Times, October 13, 2006.
3 Center for Nonproliferation Studies, “North Korea Conducts Nuclear Test,” October 10,


4 Text of statement available at [].
5 “U.S. Finding Indicates Nuclear Test,” Washington Times, October 14, 2006.
6 Richard L. Garwin and Frank N. von Hippel, “A Technical Analysis of North Korea’s Oct.
9 Nuclear Test,” Arms Control Today. November 2006. Available at
[ h t t p : / / ms cont r o l .or g/ act / 2006_11/ NK T e st Anal ys i s .asp] .

by Dianne E. Rennack; on missiles, see CRS Report RS21473, North Korean
Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States, by Steve Hildreth; on counterfeiting
issues, see CRS Report RL33324, North Korean Counterfeiting of U.S. Currency, by
Dick Nanto and Raphael Perl. Further reports are also available on the North Korean
economy, U.S. and international assistance to North Korea, general U.S.-Korean
relations, and chronologies of events related to North Korea.
Recent Congressional Action on North Korea
In the 109th Congress, Congress became more involved in, and at times critical
of, U.S. policy toward North Korea. In late September and early October 2006,
Congress enacted two pieces of legislation on North Korea. The John Warner
National Defense Authorization Act for FY2007 (H.R. 5122/P.L. 109-364), requires
the President to appoint a Policy Coordinator for North Korea within 60 days of
enactment and report to the President and Congress within 90 days on
recommendations. It also requires the executive branch to report to Congress every
180 days in fiscal years 2007 and 2008 on the status of North Korea’s nuclear and
missile programs. The North Korea Nonproliferation Act of 2006 (P.L. 109-353)
adds North Korea to the Iran-Syria Nonproliferation Act (P.L. 106-178; P.L. 109-

112), authorizing sanctions on third party “persons” for weapons-of-mass-

destruction-related transfers to and from North Korea. In particular, this could affect
North Korea’s missile trade.
International Response
United Nations
In response to the test, the UNSC unanimously supported a U.S.-drafted
resolution, Res. 1718, that calls the test “a clear threat to international peace and
security,” bans trade in heavy weapons and luxury goods, authorizes countries to
inspect cargo bound to and from North Korea to look for weapons of mass
destruction or related materials, and requests that countries freeze funds related to
North Korea’s non-conventional weapons programs. It also calls on North Korea to
refrain from conducting additional nuclear or ballistic missile tests, rejoin the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), suspend its ballistic missile program and eventually
abandon its nuclear weapons in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible manner.
Compared to the original U.S. draft, the final resolution was weakened in several key
areas at the insistence of China and Russia, both permanent members of the UNSC.
China insisted that the language request, but not require, that countries inspect cargo
going into and out of North Korea and that the resolution explicitly rule out the use
of military force. A more robust military embargo was scaled back to include only
heavy military equipment such as tanks and missiles. Following passage of Res.

1718, North Korea declared it considered the imposition of sanctions an act of war.

It is unclear how the sanctions will affect North Korea, already among the most
isolated and poor countries in the world with limited global trade. Many experts
argue that sanctions are ineffective at changing the fundamental political goals of

governments. In addition, Res. 1718 bans trade in certain items, rather than a
complete embargo, which some say lends itself to circumvention. The sanction
regime depends heavily on individual states’ compliance with the guidelines. For
example, each state can determine what items are considered “luxury goods.”
Chi na 7
China has sought to balance its wish to send a stern message to Pyongyang with
its determination to avoid sparking a destabilizing military conflict. Beijing has
made clear its overriding goal of preventing the collapse of the North Korean regime,
which it fears would interrupt its surging economic development and bring thousands
of North Korean refugees across the border into China. Analysts point out that China
is also motivated by a desire to keep North Korea as a “buffer state” between it and
the U.S. troops stationed in South Korea. Chinese officials maintain that the UNSC
resolution should “create conditions conducive to the peaceful resolution of this issue
through dialogue and negotiation.”8
According to press reports, after the passage of the resolution, Chinese officials
began inspecting trucks bound for North Korea more closely.9 Questions have arisen
on whether China will enforce the sanctions regime on air or ship trade, and Beijing
said it would not stop North Korean-bound ships to conduct inspections for illegal
weapons and missiles as the resolution requests. Chinese officials insist that they are
implementing the U.N. resolution, but that “normal trade” with North Korea should
not be disrupted.
Economists argue that the only definitively effective punishment on North
Korea would be the suspension of energy aid from China; China reportedly supplies
about 70% of North Korea’s fuel.10 After the test, reports citing Chinese trade
statistics showed a marked decline of oil exports to North Korea in September,
prompting speculation that Beijing may have been punishing Pyongyang for the July
missile tests and/or warning it not to test a nuclear device as threatened. Chinese
officials subsequently denied any cutoff, however, and customs data showed a
resumption of crude oil to North Korea in October.11 Some analysts suggest that
Beijing could be employing a more subtle form of pressure by sending fewer refined
oil products, but there is no overwhelming evidence that China has tried to punish
North Korea by restricting energy trade.

7 For more on China-North Korea relations, see CRS Report RL32804, China-U.S.
Relations: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy, by Kerry Dumbaugh and CRS
Report RL31555, China and Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and Missiles:
Policy Issues, by Shirley Kan.
8 “U.S. Pressures China on North Korean Arms Traffic,” Los Angeles Times. October 16,


9 “China Reverses Its Refusal to Search N. Korean Cargo,” Los Angeles Times. October 17,


10 Michael Hirsh, Melinda Liu, and George Wehrfritz, “Special Report: How North Korea
Got the Bomb,” Newsweek. October 23, 2006.
11 “China Resumes Crude Exports to Isolated North Korea,” Reuters. November 26, 2006.

South Korea12
The South Korean government vowed to support the UNSC resolution and
called for Pyongyang to return to the Six-Party Talks, but also said it will not suspend
cooperation with North Korea on the Kaesong Industrial Park (where South Korean
firms employ North Korean workers at a complex in the North, about one hour from
Seoul) and the Mt. Kumgang tourism site. The two joint projects are believed to
provide Pyongyang with several million dollars a year in hard currency. A
spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said, “We will go ahead with the
economic cooperation programs in harmony with the resolution,”13 but would not
specify if Seoul planned to expand the Kaesong plant as scheduled. The planned
expansion would reportedly provide the North Korean regime with an estimated $500
million annually by 2012.14 Despite pressure from the Bush Administration
following the test, South Korea declined to join the U.S.-led Proliferation Security
Initiative (PSI - see Options section), citing fears of engaging in military action by
boarding North Korean ships. Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns criticized the
South Koreans for not doing more to send a message to North Korea.15
Japan has imposed its own unilateral sanctions — more restrictive than those
called for in the UN resolution — that ban all North Korean ships from entering
Japanese ports and restrict imports and most North Korean nationals from entering
Japan. In addition, Japan adopted a list of items that fall under the “luxury goods”
category, including caviar, jewelry, and watches. Officials in Tokyo have also vowed
to assist the U.S. military in stopping North Korean cargo ships for inspections,
despite the country’s pacifist constitution. Japan’s reaction follows a pattern of
Tokyo taking increasingly hardline positions on North Korea. Following the July
2006 missile tests by North Korea, Japan led the UNSC to issue a resolution
condemning the tests and announced its own unilateral measures that froze bank
remittances to North Korea. Japan, which long had been North Korea’s second
largest trading partner, is now believed to be the North’s fifth largest partner (behind
China, South Korea, Thailand, and Russia.)

12 For more information on South Korea’s approach to North Korea, see CRS Report
RL33567, Korea-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress, by Larry Niksch.
13 “China Said to Start Enforcing North Korea Sanctions,” New York Times. October 16,


14 Ihlwan Moon, “Bridging the Korean Economic Divide,” Business Week Online. March

8, 2006.

15 “Burns Says Seoul Can Do More on NK Sanctions,” Yonhap News. November 16, 2006.
16 For further information on Japan-North Korean relations, see CRS Report RL33436,
Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress, coordinated by Emma Chanlett-Avery.

Possible North Korean Motivations
Determining the motivations of a government as opaque and secretive as North
Korea is exceedingly difficult, but analysts have put forth a range of possibilities to
explain why the Pyongyang regime decided to test a nuclear weapon now. As with
many foreign policy decisions, the calculation was probably a combination of factors.
Attempt to Secure Bilateral Talks
Some analysts have argued that the nuclear test was a desperate effort by the
North Koreans to secure bilateral negotiations with the United States and, once in
negotiations, have more leverage. The Bush Administration has steadfastly refused
to engage in direct talks with North Korean negotiators outside of the Six-Party Talks
process, although U.S. officials assert that much of the multilateral forum is devoted
to speaking directly with the North Koreans. Selig Harrison, an Asian expert with
exceptional access to DPRK officials, argues that top North Korean officials want
bilateral talks in order to implement the denuclearization agreement concluded at the
last round of the Six-Party Talks in Beijing in September 2005.17 This argument
assumes that North Korea is sincere in its intent to eliminate its nuclear weapons
program in exchange for economic and diplomatic incentives, or, if not, the North’s
intent should be tested.
The “Joint Statement of Principles” issued at the September 2005 round of the
Six-Party Talks was seen as a groundbreaking agreement that outlined a clear path
to a negotiated resolution. In the statement, the six parties unanimously agreed to the
peaceful denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and North Korea committed to
abandoning its nuclear weapons programs, returning to the NPT, and allowing IAEA
safeguards. The other five parties offered energy and humanitarian assistance. The
United States and North Korea agreed to take steps toward normalization of relations,
which for the United States would include resolution of concerns with the North’s
ballistic missile programs and human rights record.18 According to some analysts,
the promise of establishing diplomatic relations with Washington was the key
element for the North Korean delegation.
Attempt to Ensure Security of Regime
The nuclear test could have been motivated by the regime’s deep insecurity and
fear of an attack by the United States, a fear that has consumed the country for
generations since the Korean War. After being labeled as part of the “axis of evil”
by President Bush in 2002, North Korea may have drawn a lesson from the invasion
of Iraq: that Iraq was targeted because it was believed to be pursuing a nuclear
weapons program, but had not yet succeeded. Pyongyang’s planners may believe that
developing and demonstrating a nuclear capability will deter a U.S. attack. North
Korea may believe that the rest of the world will adjust to it being a nuclear power

17 Harrison, Selig. “In a Test, a Reason to Talk,” Washington Post op-ed. October 10, 2006.
18 “Background Note on North Korea,” issued by the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of
Intelligence and Research. November 1, 2005.

after the initial rounds of condemnation, similar to the experiences of Pakistan and
India after testing nuclear weapons in 1998. An unclassified 2003 CIA assessment
provided to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence offered this analysis: “A test
would demonstrate to the world the North’s status as a nuclear-capable state and
signal (Kim Jong-il’s) perception that building a nuclear stockpile will strengthen his
regime’s international standing and security posture.”19
Domestic Political Factors
Although internal pressures are exceedingly difficult to measure in secretive
North Korea, the test may have been intended to appease hardliners in the regime.
In the wake of the partially failed missile tests in July 2006, the military leadership
in North Korea may have pressed for another indication of their resolve. Given the
North’s impoverished state, leader Kim Jong-il needs to maintain the support of the
military in order to hold on to power. Another domestic factor could have been the
need for North Korea to assert itself as South Korea was winning wide recognition
because of the ascension of Foreign Minister Ban Ki-Moon as UN Secretary General.
Since the division of the peninsula in 1945, Pyongyang has competed with Seoul for
legitimacy as the government of the Korean people. Many of these dynamics have
played out at the UN, where both countries are recognized as sovereign states.
Technical Motivations
Most observers believe that nuclear testing is important to validate a design for
an implosion device, whether using plutonium or highly-enriched uranium (HEU).
However, in 2003, the CIA had assessed that given North Korea’s long experience
in high explosives testing, nuclear tests would not be required to validate simple20
fission weapons. Even if North Korea has also received a copy of Chinese HEU
implosion device blueprints apparently provided by Pakistani scientist A.Q. Khan to
Libya, it is likely that technical experts would want to test it. That said, it is not clear
that North Korea has any HEU at present. More likely, North Korea desired to test
an implosion device using plutonium, whether it was an indigenous or foreign
design; several media reports state that U.S. intelligence agencies have concluded the21
device was plutonium. Some experts have suggested that the small yield of the test
might indicate that North Korea was attempting to test a more sophisticated design
(composite pits or boosted fission devices), but more data would be necessary to
draw such a conclusion. Even if this were the case, one such nuclear test would not
indicate whether North Korea had the capability to place nuclear warheads on

19 This unclassified assessment was in response to Senate Select Committee on Intelligence
Questions for the Record, arising from the February 2003 Worldwide Threat Briefing, dated
August 18, 2003, p. 144 (or p. 18 of the pdf file); the full text is available at
[ ht t p: / / www.f a s.or g/ i r p/ congr e ss/ 2003_hr / 021103qf r -ci a.pdf ] .
20 Ibid. Note that the question posed by the Committee was “Is North Korea capable of
developing simple fission weapons without conducting nuclear tests?” rather than a more
direct formulation of “Has North Korea developed weapons without nuclear tests?” In
addition, a classified response was provided to the Committee.
21 See, for example, “North Korean Fuel Identified as Plutonium,” New York Times, October

17, 2006.

ballistic missiles. Given that the device did not appear to produce the desired yield,
North Korean scientists may desire to test again to improve the weapon’s design.
Possible Medium and Long-term Implications
The short-term implications of North Korea’s nuclear test are clear: whether a
technical success or failure, North Korea’s willingness to carry out a test in the face
of significant opposition indicates that it is willing to endure the potential
consequences. The psychological impact of crossing this particular diplomatic “red-
line” is significant, with ramifications for medium and long-term regional and global
stability. Some implications are discussed below.
Growing Nuclear Threat?
Absent information on what nuclear weapons North Korea actually has or what
its intentions are, it is difficult to assess the North Korean nuclear threat to the region
and to the United States. However, different scenarios of capabilities and intentions
may illuminate the kinds of threat that could emerge. Capabilities and intentions may
not always match; one may drive the other, or there may be no attempt to seek to
match the two. In addition to the threat of its own weapons capabilities, North Korea
may pose a threat in terms of its willingness to provide technology, materials or
weapons to rogue states, such as Iran or Syria, or terrorist organizations or
As noted above, North Korea may have had several motivations for testing,
which may also inform the larger questions of developing its nuclear arsenal. While
prestige, leverage in diplomatic negotiations, and domestic political considerations,
may only require, for now, a rudimentary or even symbolic nuclear capability,
security considerations and technical pride could push North Korea to develop a
more sophisticated arsenal. At present, North Korea might now have the capability
to deliver a crude nuclear device within the region, using ground transportation,
ships, or airplanes.22 North Korea undoubtedly has the capability to deliver a
radiological dispersal device in the region, although arguably it had this capability
before the nuclear test. According to most informed observers, North Korea does not
now have the capability to marry nuclear warheads with long-range missiles that

22 Although some U.S. officials have suggested that North Korea has had nuclear weapons
for several years, official U.S. unclassified estimates have not stated that. Prior to the
nuclear test, unclassified U.S. intelligence assessments have focused on the amount of
plutonium that North Korea is likely to have. The assumption that North Korea has
workable devices seems to rest on the notion that acquisition of fissile material like
plutonium is the usually the most difficult hurdle to overcome in the development of nuclear
weapons. Experts tend to agree that the weaponization process (shaping the metal, weapons
design, and manufacture) can take as few as six months. The observation that the October
2006 test had less than a 1-kt yield suggests that North Korea may not have a workable
design, although the test itself may provide significant technical information about what
North Korea has to improve.

would reach the mainland of the United States. If North Korea sought to achieve that
capability, it would undoubtedly need to conduct further nuclear tests.
There is no reliable information about how North Korea might use nuclear
weapons, particularly with respect to potential escalation within a conventional
conflict. Most official North Korean statements about a nuclear capability point to
the need to provide for a deterrent against the United States. According to the CIA,
in April 2003, “North Korea publicly claimed that the Iraq war shows only
tremendous deterrent force can avert war and that failure to resolve the nuclear issue
through dialogue would force the North to mobilize all potentials, almost certainly
a reference to nuclear weapons.” In March 2005, the North Korean Foreign Ministry
stated that “reality proves that our possession of nuclear weapons guarantees balance
of power in the region and acts as a strong deterrent against the outbreak of war and
for maintaining peace.”23 In March 2006, the Foreign Ministry stated that “our strong
revolutionary might put in place all measures to counter a possible U.S. pre-emptive
strike,” according to the Korean Central News Agency, and that “pre-emptive strike
is not the monopoly of the United States.” The ministry added, “We made nuclear
weapons because of a nuclear threat from the United States.”24
From a military perspective, North Korea could be seeking either a nuclear
deterrent against a potential conventional force attack, or nuclear retaliation either
against a nuclear attack (a so-called “second-strike” capability) or against a
conventional attack (potentially a “first-use” capability). Perceptions of how nuclear
weapons might be used will help shape the development of capabilities, although it
may not entirely drive the process. Thus, if North Korea is seeking a capability that
requires it to threaten the U.S. mainland, the future development of its forces would
focus on developing robust and reliable nuclear warheads small enough to fit in an
ICBM nose-cone. As some observers have suggested, the threat that North Korea
poses may not fit into the traditional contexts of deterrence. Potential scenarios
include “demonstration” detonations to deter U.S. intervention, transfers to terrorist
groups that would use such weapons against states other than the United States, and
transfers to rogue states.25
Nuclear Arms Race in Asia
Many regional experts fear that the nuclear test will stimulate an arms race in
the region. Geopolitical instability could prompt Northeast Asian states with the
ability to develop nuclear weapons relatively quickly to move forward, creating a
cascading effect on other powers in the region. One scenario envisioned would start
with a Japanese decision to develop a nuclear weapons program in the face of a clear
and present danger from North Korea. South Korea, still wary of Tokyo’s intentions
based on Japan’s imperial past, could follow suit and develop its own nuclear
weapons program. If neighboring states appear to be developing nuclear weapons
without drawing punishment from the international community, Taiwan may choose

23 “Pyongyang Threatens to Make More Nukes,” Washington Times, March 15, 2006
24 “N. Korea Threatens Pre-emptive Strike Against the U.S.,” USA Today, March 22, 2006.
25 “Paging Dr. Strangelove,” Wall Street Journal, October 17, 2006.

to do the same to counter the threat from mainland China. In turn, this could prompt
China to increase its own arsenal, which could have impact on further development
of programs in South Asia. Alternatively, South Korea could “go nuclear” first,
stimulating a similar chain of reactions. Most nonproliferation experts believe that
Japan, using existing but safeguarded stocks of plutonium, could quickly
manufacture a nuclear arsenal. South Korea and Taiwan would take longer, although
there is evidence of past experiments with plutonium processing for both countries.26
Japan is not likely to move forward precipitously with nuclear weapons
development. Japan has abided by the self-imposed “three non-nuclear principles,”
which ban the possession, production, or import of nuclear arms. With memories of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki still vivid, the Japanese public remains largely resistant to
arming themselves with nuclear weapons. Many Tokyo strategists may recognize
that “going nuclear” could actually undermine their security by further eroding the
global nonproliferation regime and reinforcing mistrust in the region. Under the
terms of the U.S.-Japan alliance, Japan and South Korea remain protected under the
“nuclear umbrella.” Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice reiterated the firm U.S.
commitment to defend Japan and South Korea against any threat from North Korea
during her trip to the region following the nuclear test. Some observers have
suggested that the threat of Japan going nuclear was intentionally emphasized in
order to pressure Beijing and Seoul to be more firm on North Korea.
However, discussion about nuclear weapons development is more likely to
appear in government statements after North Korea’s defiant move: the week after
the test, Foreign Minister Taro Aso and the ruling party policy chief Shoichi
Nakagawa suggested that Japan should debate the possibility, adding that nuclear
weapons would not violate the constitution. Earlier, in September 2006, former
Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone suggested that Japan should study the
possibility of going nuclear given the presence of other nuclear-armed states in the
region. After Rice’s assurances, however, Aso stated that Japan has no intention of
developing nuclear weapons, reinforcing many analysts’ contention that Japan’s
current policy could dissolve if the U.S. commitment to the bilateral alliance wavers.
Aside from the nuclear question, new Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s agenda of
strengthening Japan’s overall defense posture — a policy that has been encouraged
by the United States — may gain further support.
Proliferation to Other States or Non-State Actors
U.S. officials have repeatedly stated that North Korea must not cross the
“red-line” of further proliferation of its WMD capabilities, whether to other states or
non-state actors. There have been few instances of states sharing their nuclear
capabilities or weapons knowingly with other states, if President Musharraf is to be
believed that A.Q. Khan acted alone in his nuclear black market activities. The

26 For a summary of Taiwan’s clandestine nuclear efforts, see “National Security Archive
Electronic Briefing Book No. 19: New Archival Evidence on Taiwanese “Nuclear
Intentions,” available at [] For
information on South Korea’s efforts, see [

United States considered sharing nuclear missiles with India after China’s 1964
nuclear test, but it can be argued that by then, the United States had tens of thousands
of weapons, and there was no norm established yet of nonproliferation, as embodied
in the 1970 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
In 2002, the CIA told Congress that traditional state recipients of WMD
technology “may follow North Korea’s practice of supplying specific WMD-related
technology and expertise to other countries or non-state actors.” However, the report
specifies only that North Korea has provided ballistic-missile-related equipment,
components, material, and expertise, rather than nuclear-related items. North Korea
is an established exporter of ballistic missiles, and many observers, including in the
U.S. government, equate North Korea’s willingness to supply those items with a
willingness to sell nuclear weapons or fissile material. Others argue that nuclear
weapons are a special case and confer special prestige; that a state would cheapen its
hard-earned prestige by disseminating that capability; that a nonproliferation norm
has been in place for over thirty years and that a state like North Korea would likely,
in the first few years, conserve its nuclear material and weapons for its own deterrent
(or aggressive) purposes. Some observers have suggested that as North Korea’s
arsenal grows, it might be more inclined to “share the wealth.” At present, the
Yongbyon five MWe reactor reportedly produces about six kg of plutonium per year,
enough for about one weapon. Should North Korea finish the two reactors under
construction, which are not close to completion, it could augment that stockpile
considerably.27 Kim Jong-il could see a growing nuclear stockpile as a wasting asset
or as a source of hard currency. However, transferring nuclear weapons or fissile
material is inherently risky because of the loss of control over the recipient’s actions,
particularly if the material can later be tracked back to a source (such as North
Korea). It is not entirely clear that it is possible to positively identify a source of
material, although it is possible, with considerable cooperation from nuclear weapon
states, to eliminate some sources, thus narrowing the possibilities.28
A Pyongyang official reportedly suggested during talks in April and August
2003 between North Korean negotiator Li Gun and former Assistant Secretary of
State James Kelly that North Korea would “demonstrate” its nuclear weapons or
“transfer” weapons abroad. According to one report, “Mr. Li told Mr. Kelly that the
communist state would ‘export nuclear weapons, add to its current arsenal or test a
nuclear device’.” On September 1, 2003, North Korean officials issued a statement
that North Korea did not intend to sell nuclear weapons or export nuclear material to
terrorists. Nonetheless, this continues to be a U.S. concern.

27 Both reactors are several years from completion, and visitors in 2004 reported that the 50
MWe reactor building at Yongbyon “looks in a terrible state of repair.” Should North Korea
desire to increase plutonium production, it is more likely that it would finish construction
on the 50MWe reactor, rather than the 200 MWe reactor at Taechon.
28 See a discussion of techniques by William Dunlop and Harold Smith, “Who Did It? Using
International Forensics to Detect and Deter Nuclear Terrorism,” Arms Control Today,
October 2006, available at []

North Korea was added to the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism in 1988
and remains on the list, although it is not known to have sponsored any terrorist acts
since 1987. According to the State Department, North Korea continued to maintain
ties to terrorist groups in 2005, has sold conventional weapons to several terrorist
groups (in 2000, a State Department report specified that North Korea had sold
weapons to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, a militant Islamic group located in the
Southern Philippines), and reportedly continues to provide safe haven to terrorists
(specifically, four remaining members of the Red Army, an ultra-leftist wing of
Japan’s radical student movement in the 1960s). In 2000, however, North Korea and
the United States signed a joint statement in which “the two sides agreed that
international terrorism poses an unacceptable threat to global security and peace, and
that terrorism should be opposed in all its forms.” In 2001, North Korea also signed
the Convention for the Suppression of Financing of Terrorism and a party to the
Convention Against the Taking of Hostages. Nonetheless, North Korea’s history of
officially sanctioned kidnaping, missile sales to states of concern, and activities in
drug smuggling and money counterfeiting are seen by many as indicators that Kim
Jong-il would be equally open to selling nuclear materials, technology, or weapons
to terrorist groups.
Impact on Other Proliferators
In addition to the effect a burgeoning North Korean nuclear weapons capability
will have on states in the region as they reassess their security, the North Korean test
may hold some lessons for those outside the region that are perhaps inclined to
develop the same capabilities. The need for a strong response to the test is not only
rooted in the desire to roll back North Korea’s capabilities, but also in the need to
demonstrate political resolve and clear consequences to a state’s disregard for
international norms. However, it can be argued that lessons have already been drawn
from North Korea’s proliferation before the test, and that they are not good ones: that
would-be proliferators who participate in multilateral incentive programs will not live
up to their commitments (such as the Agreed Framework), that there is equal, if not
more, bargaining leverage outside the regime than within it, and that there are no
practical consequences to withdrawing from the NPT, as North Korea did in 2003.
A key question is how states of concern view the situation as it has unfolded. Is
North Korea perceived to have been “allowed” to withdraw from the NPT with no
punitive action by the international community until North Korea tested a nuclear
device? Or, is North Korea now perceived by states such as Iran and Syria as the
“victim” of discriminatory UN Security Council actions that have the potential to
collapse its economy? Iranian President Ahmadinejad stated on October 16, 2006
that “some Western countries have turned the UN Security Council into a weapon to
impose their hegemony and issue resolutions against countries that oppose them,” but
that Iran would not be intimidated. Ultimately, the extent to which the inspections
curb Pyongyang’s ability to export and import WMD-related items, and any potential
impact on North Korea’s economic viability, will influence those perceptions.
Fate of Nuclear Arsenal in North Korean Collapse Scenario
U.S. concerns with North Korea’s nuclear weapons program may not be limited
to how the current regime uses it. Control over the North’s nuclear arsenal may be

uncertain in the event of a collapse, particularly if there is a chaotic aftermath. If
control of the government is unclear, North Korean military officials may rashly
launch nuclear weapons in one scenario, particularly as a punishing attack on Japan
if they perceive to have nothing left to lose. In a more prolonged period of uncertain
leadership, nuclear weapons or material could be transferred to other foreign entities.
In an eventual reunification of the peninsula under Seoul’s control, in another
scenario more questions arise about whether the Korean government would be
willing to relinquish its nuclear weapons, given the uncertain geopolitical conditions
that the region would face.
U.S. Goals and Policy Options
The most fundamental U.S. goals of the confrontation with North Korea are to
prevent the further proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and to prevent an
attack — either nuclear or conventional — on the United States or on its allies in the
region. Both actions would dramatically diminish U.S. security. The Bush
Administration appears to be divided on how to best achieve these goals, with one
group favoring negotiation to shape North Korea’s behavior and another group
advocating measures that will weaken the regime and ultimately lead to its collapse.
Pursuing U.S. objectives through the Six-Party Talks is complicated by the fact
that other states have calculated their own national interests with regard to North
Korea differently. Japan’s goals converge most closely with U.S. objectives: to
bolster its own security from the threat of a North Korean missile attack and to
resolve the issues surrounding the abduction of several Japanese citizens by North
Korea in the 1970s and 1980s. For China and South Korea, the political instability
and economic consequences of a collapse of North Korea may represent the worst
outcome. Pursuit of U.S. goals is dependent on some degree of cooperation from
Beijing and Seoul. The nuclear test by Pyongyang has compelled China and South
Korea to agree to harsher measures, but it is unlikely to alter their ultimate objective
of preventing the collapse of North Korea.
The options outlined below are not intended to be exhaustive, but to provide a
spectrum of alternatives. The approach taken by the United States may combine
elements of several of the possible strategies.
Status Quo
The current Bush Administration North Korea policy is to work through the Six-
Party process to ensure the dismantlement of North Korea’s nuclear weapons
program. The policy involves a combination of diplomatic and economic pressures
on the regime. In addition to focusing on the nuclear issue, U.S. officials have
increased their criticism of North Korea’s human rights record and its criminal
activities, particularly counterfeiting. Critics of the U.S. policy argue that the
Administration appears to be divided between those who favor a negotiated solution
and others who favor regime change, and that this division has at times paralyzed the
policy-making process toward North Korea. Other observers believe that the division

masks an overall weak and passive policy that reflects North Korea’s low priority in
comparison to Middle East conflicts and international terrorism issues.
Explicitly Accept North Korea as a Nuclear Power
Some analysts maintain that North Korea, as a paranoid and isolated regime,
will never be willing to give up its nuclear weapons. Some security analysts may
argue that accepting North Korea into the “nuclear club” and pressing for it to
become a “responsible” nuclear power is in the best interest of the international
community. In that scenario, North Korea could be asked to make nonproliferation
commitments in exchange for tacit acceptance of its nuclear weapons status, in much
the same way that the United States has “accepted” the nuclear status of India,
Pakistan, and Israel.
However, the language used by U.S. officials — calling a nuclear North Korea
“intolerable” and “unacceptable” — indicates that the Administration is unlikely to
take this approach. Pakistan and India angered the United States and others after
testing nuclear weapons in 1998 and now are U.S. allies for a variety of geopolitical
purposes. However, there is widespread belief among U.S. government officials that
North Korea, as a major U.S. adversary under an unpredictable and dangerous
regime, cannot be trusted with nuclear weapons. Moreover, unlike Pakistan and
India, North Korea, like Iran, joined the NPT and then violated it. While this
distinction may have no practical value, it appears to have diplomatic significance.
New Approach Through Bilateral Talks with North Korea
Pro-engagement advocates argue that the United States should take a new
approach by agreeing to the long-standing North Korean request for direct bilateral
relations and offering more reciprocity for a nuclear settlement, including the
normalization of diplomatic relations. Under this plan, as North Korea suspended
all nuclear and missile tests and froze its plutonium production programs,
negotiations on normalization of relations between the two countries would
commence. As North Korea advanced toward the verifiable dismantlement of its
nuclear programs, incentives such as removal of the measures that restrict North
Korean access to the international banking system, energy assistance programs, and
removal from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism might be offered. This
approach would resemble the implementation of the 2005 Six-Party Talks agreement,
but would begin with direct talks between U.S. and North Korean negotiators.
Proponents of this option argue that although the United States has limited
coercive measures remaining, it has ample positive leverage for pushing forward on
an agreement with North Korea. Pursuing this option is based on the belief that
either North Korea is willing to give up its nuclear weapons, or that the multilateral
coalition will be stronger if the United States tries a bilateral approach first,
indicating its good faith to the other parties. Most observers agree that the Bush
Administration is unlikely to pursue this path because it believes that bilateral
negotiations would reward the North Koreans for bad behavior (although officials
maintain that much of the multilateral forum is devoted to speaking directly with the
North Koreans), that North Korea would continue its recalcitrant behavior in order

to extract more benefits from any deal, and that multilateral talks provide the best
leverage. North Korea may wish to maximize the propaganda benefits of the
negotiations, including painting the U.S. officials as groveling and pleading for peace
before Kim Jong-il.
Continue Diplomacy via Six-Party Talks
In the aftermath of the test, some analysts speculated that the Six-Party Talks
were dead as a forum for negotiation. However, U.S. and regional officials continue
to refer to the multilateral negotiations as the best way forward. If North Korea
remains recalcitrant, or institutes another boycott of the Talks, the other parties could
meet to pursue a joint strategy forward that specifically responds to the tests.
Although the United Nations Security Council measures achieve global involvement,
the participants in the Six-Party Talks have the most interest and leverage. Meetings
of the five parties would likely focus on harmonizing the strategies, including
pressing China and South Korea to adopt measures and strengthen sanctions that
keep up pressure on the North Korean regime to return to the negotiations. Observers
point out that the biggest challenge may be maintaining sustained punitive measures
from South Korea and China once the initial crisis has died down. This approach
would require the United States and Japan to maintain their pledge to resolve the
problem through diplomatic means, as China and South Korea oppose the threat of
military action.
Escalate Economic and Legal Pressure on Regime
As diplomatic progress in the Six-Party Talks faltered over the past several
years, the Bush Administration has developed several programs designed to increase
pressure on the regime. These initiatives target the influx of cash and goods to
Pyongyang — particularly those acquired through illicit or illegal activities — that
allow the regime to hold on to power and to develop weapons programs.
Strengthening these programs may convince the regime to return to negotiations by
threatening Kim Jong-il’s hold on power. Encouraging South Korea and China to
participate in these activities would increase the likelihood of changing Pyongyang’s
behavior. On the other hand, squeezing North Korea could push it to proliferate
weapons and nuclear material more quickly out of economic desperation. Some
experts dispute that illegal activities such as counterfeiting and drug smuggling
constitute a major part of the North Korean economy.29
Unilateral Financial and Legal Measures. Since September 2005, the
United States has pursued unilateral measures to financially isolate North Korea. In
September 2005, the Administration identified Banco Delta Asia, a Macao-based
bank, as an institution that allowed money laundering and counterfeiting activities
with North Korea. As a result of this action and a series of Treasury Department-
directed warnings about the risk of doing business with North Korean companies that

29 See Leon V. Sigal, “An Instinct for the Capillaries,” paper for the Seoul-Washington
Forum, Brookings Institution. Available at [


might be tied to Pyongyang’s nuclear or other WMD programs, several banks,
including many in China, have suspended business with North Korean companies.
Continuing law enforcement activities and using unilateral U.S. financial
leverage on international banks and financial institutions represents one way the
United States can squeeze the North Korean regime. To reinforce the message, the
U.S. government could identify and impose sanctions on another bank — perhaps
one in mainland China — suspected of allowing North Korean firms to maintain
accounts that facilitate illegal activities. The United States could also make explicit
what some analysts say is the unspoken message of the warnings so far: that the U.S.
government may prohibit U.S. banks from dealing with financial institutions that
have any links with groups that are tied to terrorism or rogue states.30
Strengthen Proliferation Security Initiative. One option that has been
widely discussed is strengthening of the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). PSI,
begun in 2003, is an effort to improve capabilities to interdict WMD-related
materials, technology, and equipment, particularly as they are shipped to or from
countries of concern such as North Korea and Iran.31 Although many hail PSI as a
new initiative, it is, in reality, a slightly more robust version of interdiction efforts
that have been carried out for many years. One new feature is the conclusion of
bilateral ship-boarding agreements, which can facilitate short-notice inspections of
cargo but still require the authorization of the country under whose flag the ship is
sailing. Although several observers have suggested that UN Res. 1718 legitimizes
PSI, the resolution does not authorize interception or confiscation of cargo and so
serves only to focus, not strengthen, efforts.
In the region, only Japan is a member of PSI. South Korea announced that it
would not join PSI out of fears of engaging in a military skirmish with the North
Koreans, but that it may take part in PSI activities on a case-by-case basis. China has
expressed reservations about the legal standing of PSI, and Chinese officials
remarked at a press conference in December 2004 that “There are also many concerns
in the international community about the legitimacy and effectiveness of PSI
interdictions and consequences that may arise therefrom. The PSI participants should
take this into serious consideration.”
Some observers have noted that China’s resistance to PSI may be influenced by
its dependence on Middle East oil and gas, making it reluctant to cede interdiction
rights to U.S. and allied navies, and by a wariness of how PSI might affect the
relative balance of Chinese and U.S. power in the region. Until North Korea’s
nuclear test, it appeared as if China’s reluctance to join PSI would make it very
difficult for other states in the region to join in. However, the nuclear test and
imposition of sanctions by the UN Security Council may make it politically easier for
other states in the region to join.

30 “U.S. Pursues Tactic of Financial Isolation,” New York Times. October 16, 2006.
31 See CRS Report RS21881, Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), by Sharon Squassoni.

Adoption of Regime Change Policy by Non-Military Means
The United States could adopt an official policy of regime change in North
Korea, which would necessarily mean abandoning the Six-Party Talks and actively
working to undermine the ruling government — either directly or through a collapse
of the North Korean economy. Current U.S. policy already has elements of this, but
declaring a regime change policy, even without threatening military action, would
create large divisions with Seoul and Beijing. Because the United States may not
have the economic leverage to squeeze North Korea to collapse, it would have to try
to coerce China and South Korea to discontinue their aid and economic cooperation
programs that serve as a lifeline to Pyongyang. Further legal and financial measures,
like those outlined in the above section, to choke off the flow of money and goods
treasured by the elite class of North Korea could pinch those who support Kim Jong-
il. With Chinese and South Korean support, many maintain that the measures could
either make the regime fail or convince the leaders to give up nuclear weapons.32
Some commentators have suggested threatening Seoul and Beijing that their
overall bilateral relationship with Washington is at risk. For Seoul, this might mean
threatening to withdraw U.S. troops from South Korea and pulling support for the
bilateral Free Trade Agreement currently in negotiation. For Beijing, it may mean
a reconsideration of the “One China” policy and a scaling back of the extensive
economic relationship.
Critics of this approach point to the potentially massive ramifications of hurting
relations with China, a major factor in the global economy, and with South Korea,
a U.S. treaty ally that hosts over 30,000 U.S. troops. Adopting a more punitive
policy toward North Korea would align Washington more closely with Tokyo,
possibly exacerbating already tense relations in northeast Asia. With explicit
divisions, the somewhat uneasy peace may be disrupted, and the U.S. military may
no longer be seen as a stabilizing force in the region. Critics also argue that
squeezing the regime too tightly may push them to proliferate nuclear weapons and
technology to willing buyers, including terrorist groups that may be targeting the
United States or U.S. interests.
Military Options
There is a range of military options that might be considered, either as direct33
action or as a threat. Most analysts rule out the possibility of an all-out invasion to
bring down the regime, citing the possibility of devastating North Korean retaliation
on either South Korea or Japan, the uncertainty of Chinese reaction, the burden on
the U.S. military, and the global costs of war in an economically vibrant region.
When the Clinton Administration considered military action on North Korea’s
nuclear facilities in 1993, estimates of human casualties from an invasion totaled

32 See Aaron L. Friedberg, “An Offer Kim Can’t Refuse,” Washington Post, Opinion
section. October 16, 2006.
33 For a discussion of military options, see CRS Report RS21582, North Korean Crisis:
Possible Military Options, by Edward Bruner.

52,000 U.S. military and nearly half a million South Korean soldiers dead or
wounded, with an untold number of civilian deaths.34 The possibility of launching
a “surgical” strike to take out North Korea’s known nuclear facilities is also
considered unlikely to be completely successful, given North Korean’s penchant for
concealing activities underground, the lack of information about additional nuclear
facilities, and the fear of a military response from Pyongyang.35 Similar fears of
reprisal argue against a pre-emptive strike on Pyongyang’s long-range missile
capability, as recommended by former Defense Secretary William Perry as North
Korea was threatening to test the Taepodong missile in July 2006.36
A number of prominent commentators have suggested using the threat of direct
retaliation in the event that North Korea transfers nuclear material.37 These
commentators argue that the proliferation of a nuclear weapon or material to a
terrorist group may pose the biggest threat to U.S. security. Following North Korea’s
announcement of a test, President Bush stated that “The transfer of nuclear weapons
or material by North Korea to states or non-state entities would be considered a grave
threat to the United States, and we would hold North Korea fully accountable for the
consequences of such action.” Labeled “nuclear accountability” by Graham Allison
and “expanded deterrence” by Robert Galluci, this approach would require expanded
U.S. nuclear forensic capability. At present, it is uncertain whether a nuclear event
could be attributed to a single source with 100% assurance. Drastic responses (i.e.,
nuclear retaliation) could be deemed less than credible given such uncertainties.
Limited Withdrawal
Some commentators have suggested that the United States should cede
leadership of the current diplomatic efforts, arguing that the U.S. military is
overstretched and badly needed in other parts of the world, particularly Iraq and
Afghanistan.38 By concluding a peace agreement with North Korea and withdrawing
U.S. troops from South Korea, the United States would forfeit resolution of the
problem to the regional powers, with China taking the lead. Even if the United States
maintained its forces in Japan and elsewhere in Asia, and concentrated on expanding
its air and naval power to contain any potential threat from China, the move would
substantially alter the geopolitical landscape of the region. Ceding leadership on the
North Korean issue would likely also mean giving up dominant stake in deciding

34 Michael Hirsh, Melinda Liu, and George Wehrfritz, “Special Report: How North Korea
Got the Bomb,” Newsweek. October 23, 2006.
35 “For U.S. Military, Few Options to Defang North Korea,” Christian Science Monitor. July

7, 2006.

36 “If Necessary, Strike and Destroy,” Washington Post. June 22, 2006.
37 See William J. Perry, “In Search of a North Korea Policy,” and David Ignatius, “We Need
a New Deterrent,” Washington Post, Opinion page. October 11, 2006 and Charles
Krauthammer, “What Will Stop North Korea,” Washington Post, Opinion page. October 13,


38 See Anatol Lieven and John Hulsman, “North Korea Isn’t Our Problem,” Los Angeles
Times, Opinion section. October 11, 2006.

how a new regional order may unfold in the event of Korean unification or other
geopolitically significant scenarios.
Other CRS Reports on North Korea
CRS Report RL33567, Korea-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress, by Larry A.
CRS Report RL33590, North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons Development and
Diplomacy, by Larry A. Niksch.
CRS Report RS21391, North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons: Latest Developments, by
Sharon A. Squassoni.
CRS Report RL31900, Weapons of Mass Destruction: Trade Between North Korea
and Pakistan, by Sharon Squassoni.
CRS Report RS21582, North Korean Crisis: Possible Military Options, by Edward
F. Bruner.
CRS Report RL31696, North Korea: Economic Sanctions, by Dianne E. Rennack.
CRS Report RL33324, North Korean Counterfeiting of U.S. Currency, by Raphael
F. Perl and Dick K. Nanto.
CRS Report RS21834, U.S. Assistance to North Korea: Fact Sheet, by Mark E.
CRS Report RL31785, U.S. Assistance to North Korea: Issues and Options for U.S.
Policy, by Mark E. Manyin.
CRS Report RL32493, The North Korean Economy: Background and Policy
Analysis, by Dick K. Nanto and Emma Chanlett-Avery.
CRS Report RS21473, North Korean Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States,
by Andrew Feickert.
CRS Report RL32167, Drug Trafficking and North Korea: Issues for U.S. Policy, by
Raphael F. Perl.
CRS Report RL33389, North Korea: A Chronology of Events in 2005, by Emma
Chanlett-Avery, Mark E. Manyin, and Hannah Fischer.
CRS Report RL32743, North Korea: A Chronology of Events, October
2002-December 2004, by Mark E. Manyin, Emma Chanlett-Avery, and Helene